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Sample essay topic, essay writing: Winston Churchill - 1296 words

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.. ather strength for the morning. For the morning will come. Brightly will itshine on the brave and true, kindly upon all who suffer for the cause, glorious upon the tombs ofheroes. Thus will shine the dawn.

Vive la France! Long live also the forward march of the commonpeople in all the lands towards their just and true inheritance, and towards the broader and fuller age.'A key element in his speeches was his abiding faith in the United States and his conviction that, while Britain could not be defeated in her Island, only the combined strength of Britain and her Empire, together with the United States, could defeat Hitler and bring about the liberation of Europe.I recall my father, Randolph, telling me of a visit he paid to my grandfather at Downing Street early one morning in the course of that fateful Summer of 1940. Hitler was massing vast numbers of transport vessels and landing-craft across the Channel for his threatened invasion of Britain, code-named 'Operation Sea-Lion.' My father, on his way to rejoin his unit, which was undergoing commando-training, found the Prime Minister standing before a shaving mirror naked apart from a short silk vest which was the only thing he would wear to sleep in. Randolph seated himself on the end of the bed, intently watching the reflection of his father's face in the shaving mirror. For some considerable time, the latter remained silent. Then suddenly, fixing him with his eye in the mirror, he declared: 'I think I see my way through: we shall have to drag in the Americans.'In fact that was only to be done some eighteen months later - and not by Churchill but by the Japanese

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As one who was himself half American, Churchill saw the United States as the key to victory and he played on this relationship when, in December 1941, he addressed a Joint session of the United States Congress. He could not resist teasing them with the suggestion: 'If my father had been American and my mother British, instead of the other way round, I might have got here on my own!'.To the dismay of some British and U.S. generals, the Prime Minister, who had made himself his own Minister of Defence, involved himself in directing military strategy. And he was a firm believer in the idea that, if advance was blocked via the front door, it made sense to try the back or side doors. Thus, in World War I, appalled at the sacrifice of tens of thousands of lives on the Western Front to gain just a mile or two of ground - 'chewing barbed-wire,' as he put it - he became convinced there had to be some better alternative.

This led him, though still at the Admiralty, to press ahead with the development of what he called his 'land-battleship,' later known as the tank, which, by the spring of 1918, the German General Luddendorf would credit with the defeat of his armies. This impatience with the slaughter in the west also brought him to conceive the idea of forcing the Narrows to the Bosphorus,with the aim of knocking Germany's ally, Turkey, out of the war and linking forces with Russia.Tragically, the execution of the operation, over which he did not have full control, proved a disaster.Indeed my wife Minnie's grandfather was one of those who died on the beaches of Gallipoli. But fewnow doubt that the concept was brilliant. If successful, it could have ended the war two years earlierand, possibly, even forestalled the Russian Revolution of 1917, with all the bloodshed and suffering thatwould have saved Europe and the world in the ensuing years.Similarly, in World War II, while some urged an early frontal assault on Hitler's Atlantic Wall, Churchill favoured a steady approach-march to victory, rather than risk all on a premature, potentially disastrous attack where the enemy was strongest. Thus he conceived the North African campaign where Hitler, without either Air or Naval superiority, would be unable to concentrate ground strength sufficient to prevent the defeat of Field Marshal Rommel's German-Italian Army. He was reinforced in this view byhis reading of Hitler's mind - and, it must be said, of his Intelligence through the 'Ultra' interceptsand decrypts, the most closely-guarded secret of the war. These revealed Hitler's orders to hisfield-commanders, instructing them to hold onto all their conquests, no matter the cost. North Africa,together with the Sicily landings and the Italian campaign, were not irrelevant side-shows as some havesuggested, but necessary steps in the transformation of armies of British and American civilians intobattle-hardened veterans.Meanwhile the tide of war had turned in North Africa at El Alamein, and in Russia at Stalingrad, where 175 Nazi and Red Army divisions confronted each other on either side.

Thus the scene was set for the D-Day Landings, involving one million Americans and, let it not be forgotten, an equal number of British and Commonwealth soldiers, in an invasion which was to bring about the defeat of Nazi Germany and the liberation of Western Europe. IT WAS the greatest disappointment of my grandfather's life that after six long years of struggle and sacrifice since Britain had drawn the sword in defence of Poland, the nations of Central and Eastern Europe merely exchanged one tyranny for another after the war. Stalin's Red Army, advancing from the East in the guise of liberators, came in reality as new enslavers. I am reluctant to impute views to my grandfather about events of modern times. But one thing I do know is that he would have rejoiced loudly and long at the fall of the Iron Curtain, to which he had so poignantly drawn attention in 1946 at the small midwestern town of Fulton, Missouri - and at the fact that the proud and ancient nations of Central and Eastern Europe, together with the peoples of the former Soviet Union, have at last been able to take their rightful places among the ranks of free nations.The eyeball-to-eyeball confrontations of the Cold War are, thankfully, consigned to history. But it would be 'a mistake to imagine that grave challenges and perils do not lie ahead. The reality must be faced that the world has once again been made safe for conventional warfare. Furthermore, the demise of communism and totalitarian regimes, in such places as Yugoslavia and the former Soviet Union, has unleashed forces of nationalism that have plunged many of these nations into bitter ethnic strife and civil war. The dangers, in the event of something comparable to the Bosnian conflict breaking out in Russia or between any of the former Soviet Republics, armed as they still are with some 27,000 nuclear weapons, need no elaboration.

Perhaps those same principles, which were Churchill's guiding light and which saw Europe through its darkest hour, still have application to the challenges and perils that confront us today and tomorrow. I would identify them as follows:First, let the democracies remain strong and militarily prepared: advice we are, sadly, already ignoring as, too rapidly, we cast our weapons aside in a rush to disarm.Second, let Collective Security be the cornerstone of our policy in deterring and dealing with aggression, and make the bedrock of that policy the North Atlantic Alliance.Third, ensure that the English-speaking Peoples work closely together.The links of democracy, law, history and culture that bind us are, at the end of the day, so much greater than any petty disagreements that may from time to time divide us. We have confronted, endured and emerged victorious from two World Wars and the Cold War. Who can doubt that together we can face and surmount the challenges and perils of the future, as we have so triumphantly those of the past?.

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