Anti Pornography Feminist Movement example essay topic

The Anti-Pornography Feminist Movement I dont need statistics to tell me that there is a relationship between pornography and real violence. My body remembers. This chilling testimony from a female rape victim to a grand jury in 1983 represents the evils that pornography represents in the United States. There are strong correlations between sex crimes and pornography that have divided feminists over whether free speech is worth the sheer magnitude of sex-crime victims. Free speech is protected by the First Amendment and most people have differing views on its meaning.

One thing that cannot be ignored is the fact that 90% of sexual offenders have used pornography frequently. I believe that the anti-pornography movement is not only just, but essential. I would like to explore various aspects of the anti-pornography movement including the history, players, rhetoric and the impact. I believe that shedding light on the ways that pornography effects human beings, we will feel differently about the freedom of speech. In the 1960's and 1970's, debates over pornography mirrored the counter-cultures battle with conservative values.

The 1969 case Stanley vs. Georgia, community standards were challenged and the court upheld the civil rights for consumers to possess pornography in their homes. However, the 1970's brought about the VCR and feminists began to redefine pornography to explore the impact of the porn industry on women and their place in society. Though many feminists were frightened by the prospect that they may be working hand in hand with conservatives to regulate this practice, many women jumped to action when new surveys and statistics were revealed about pornography and women. To most of these women, the immorality was not the sexual content, but it violation of a womans dignity, a lie about who women are and what they want. Out of these theories, writers like Andrea Dworkin, Catherine MacKinnon and Dr. Diana Russell founded and encouraged many anti-porn groups around the country.

Though movements against pornography had existed prior to feminist anti-pornography groups, they were previously conservative or moral majority inspired. Then came groups such as the Anti-Porn Feminists (APF EM) and the Women Against Violence in Pornography in the Media (WAV PM). These groups had limited following because of the feminist ideology of freedom of speech and expression. Due to this lack of agreement on terms and standards, the supporters have never been centralized. Supporters may be varied and polarized but most believe that there is a real problem and there must be suitable action. The reason that this movement exists are due to findings of surveys and studies as well as testimony of women who have suffered from pornography at one time or another.

The studies are varied and numerous. To provide examples of these surveys I would like to illustrate the findings of several of them. The first finding comes from a 1983 study by Edward Donnerstein. He polled male high-school and college students on 37 states and came to the following conclusion. 25% to 30% of male students who admit that there is some likelihood that they would rape a woman if the could be assured of getting away with it, increases to 57% after exposure to sexually violent images depicting women enjoying rape. This means that as a result of one brief exposure to pornography, the number of males who are willing to consider rape as a plausible act for them actually doubles.

On such brief exposure to pornography also increases male subjects acceptance of rape myths and interpersonal violence against women. This essentially means that porn viewers have lower inhibitions than exist in the absence of pornography. They are more likely to act out violent desires and fantasies including submissive and domination sex. This evidence is overwhelmingly supported by a follow-up study from an independent source.

Larry Baron and Murray Straus undertook a 50-state correlation analysis in 1984 about the rates of rape as they relate to pornographic magazines. The eight pornographic magazines with the highest circulation are Playboy, Penthouse, Chic, Forum, Gallery, Genesis, Oui and Hustler. A highly significant correlation was found between the reported rape rates and the readership of pornographic materials. According to the findings, a ratio of +64% was found in men who read pornographic material that those who had little or no exposure. However, out of this survey came more shocking results. The levels of rape were higher in regions that had few or no laws governing the sales and distribution of pornographic material.

This is evidence that legal intervention may be directly related to rape in an area or city. Since 64% more men who read or watch pornographic material would entertain rape then making pornography hard to come by would certainly reduce the rate of rape. In another study, Michelle Goldstein and Harold Kant found that incarcerated rapists had been exposed to extremely hard-core pornography at an earlier age than males presumed to be non-rapists. Nearly 30% of convicted sex offenders experienced hard-core pornography before adolescence (11 years-old), while only 2% of non-rapists were exposed to porn at such an early age. Another 34% of convicted sex offenders were exposed to pornography before the age of 15, while non-rapists showed only 7% had been exposed that early age.

The most startling fact is that 90% of convicted sexual assaulter's, encompassing rape, forced sodomy, sexual attacks and other felonious sexual acts, were frequent users of hard-core pornography. Unfortunately, another 4% had used it sometimes and the remaining percentage refused to classify their usage. The rate of non-rapist porn use was 12% used sometimes and 6% used pornography often. Due to this study, we can draw the conclusion that a male exposed to pornography early and frequently is much more likely to commit a sexual offense than a person seldom exposed to pornography. (Please refer to above information for statistical logistics.) I would also like to cite a few testimonies of men and women who both participated in pornography and were negatively affected by pornography. In one case, a man who had participated in over 100 pornographic movies testified at the Commission hearings in Los Angeles as follows: I, myself, have been on a couple of sets where the young ladies have been forced to do even anal sex scenes with a guy which is rather large and I have seen them crying in pain.

This is a forgotten angle of the anti-pornography movement. Not only do women suffer sex crimes resulting from pornographic ideas, the actual porn subjects are often raped without anyone knowing. There are many women who are abused, manipulated and drugged for the sake of pornography. Though many people would feel that this is freedom of expression, it is many times not done of free will. According to the anti-pornography Commission hearing in Los Angeles, many films have no script and the female actress is unaware that she is to be intimate by more than one man at a time or sodomized. Anonymous testimony from the same hearing indicated that the surprise factor is actually what makes these scenes more exciting for men because of an insinuation of rape.

One of the most mind-blowing testimonies cane from researcher Edward Donnerstein after his 1983 study. The relationship between particularly violent sexual images in media and subsequent aggression... is much stronger statistically than the relationship between smoking and lung cancer. In spite of these studies and testimonies, the movement has only gained momentum in the past ten years as the date-rape epidemic has spread through our country. Though many people believe that the frequency of rape may be relatively constant and that the epidemic is actually the number of women coming forward and pursuing legal action.

Many arguments of our desensitized culture have been blamed for the rape epidemic and so it should. Not only hard-core pornography is detrimental. The way that women are perceived in the media is equally disturbing. The anti-pornography movement has gained strength by aligning themselves with other groups.

Though the feminists want to keep clear of the religious right and other conservative movements, they have used their power and abilities to make some gains in their quest. For these reasons, the anti-porn feminist position aligns itself with the move to censor pornography by making its unwanted presence an actionable offense. In its extreme formulation, the anti-porn feminist position would ban its production and prohibit its dissemination. For these reasons, the anti-porn feminist group would be considered co-opted and in the system.

Since they have taken some allies on to further their cause, they have certainly shared goals to achieve their end. They have also started to support legislation to reduce pornography in many fashions. The main area that I would like to focus on is the rhetorical strategies of the movement. The anti-pornography movement uses petition of the establishment, promulgation and polarization. I would now like to provide some examples of how the movement uses these strategies and other ways that they use rhetoric to accomplish their goals. The anti-pornography petitions the state by supporting and supplying the framework for legislation across the country.

Though their solidification is shaky due to the plethora of ways to deal with disrupting the pornography trade in America, they still have many different ways to solve problems. The main way that they approach these changes to legislation is through local government. It is far easier for these various groups to alter the world community at a time than try to destroy the entire enchilada at one time. The anti-porn movement has legislation that has passed in many cities and counties that they use as framework. San Diego, New York and other large cities have place extensive limitations on the production and marketing of pornographic materials.

The easiest way to explain these changes is by taking the First Amendment out of the formula. Considering that the main disagreement over the allowance of pornography is that it may set limitations on First Amendment Right, the anti-porn feminists have decided that they would attack the uses instead of the theory. After all, this is a fight to save dignity, safety and even lives for women in this country so any achievement is considerable. They simply try to abolish pornography in areas where the people do not want pornography in their yards. This is easy when it comes to a small vote by a council or board.

Most Americans are assumably in favor of First Amendment rights but that doesnt mean that they want pornography in their neighborhoods. This could be considered grass-roots activity but I feel that it is far more significant than simply stated. Another way that the anti-porn movement petitions the state is by employing people such as Dr. Diana Russell. Though Dr. Russell does many important things for the movement, she does one thing that has had a wide impact on the ideas of the state. She is the nations top expert witness in court cases involving rape, sexual harassment and rights of victims of rape and incest to have abortions.

This may seem small in comparison to the task that this movement deals with but it certainly is not. She has been so effective in persuading juries and judges for years that many judges use what is referred to the Russell Doctrine. This document is a womans bill of rights when it pertains to any of the aforementioned issues. She has changed the way that certain jurisdictions view cases involving women as sexual victims. The second way that the anti-pornography movement uses rhetoric to achieve their goals is by promulgation.

This is essentially the spreading of ideas. The main way that they spread ideas is through their surveys and studies. Their findings have spread not only ideas but terror to the decent people of this country. The fact that they state that there is a more prevalent link between porn and rape than there is between smoking and lung cancer has many people thinking more about this subject.

Since the country has been going through the date-rape epidemic, people have been wondering why these things are starting to happen more and more. The anti-porn movement has meet those questions with answers. Since their counter movements have clung to the First Amendment defense, it has been rather easy for the anti-porn movements ideas to be accepted. This means that there are few or no studies or statistics to counter those that the anti-porn movement has found.

The anti-pornography movement has also found a loop-hole that they believe that they can use nationally. The linkage between pornography and sex crimes, if it could become universally established, would fulfill J.S. Mills harm principle. This would make the First Amendment argument null because the First Amendment does not allow expression that directly relates to the harm of others. Though referred to as fighting words, the J.S. Mills principle limits the protection that pornography would be granted under the First Amendment. Unfortunately, as powerful as most of these statistics are, the majority of feminists will not budge in their fights against conservative attempts to help moral material in this country. Unfortunately, most of the feminists have lost track of their purpose in my opinion.

I feel that they are institutions created to protect various aspects of womens rights. I personally think that they are just wrong for ignoring the fact that there are real victims that may or may not care about the way that interest groups battle for their good. They only know the reality of what a sex crime has done to them. These victims know that they have been robbed of their dignity and safety. This seems much more important than mere policy. Another way that the anti-pornography movement uses promulgation is by using a statement entitled Facts and Myths Concerning Pornography.

The first myth is that obscenity and pornography are protected in many countries as free speech. The fact is that hard-core pornography is and has never been protected by free statutes in the United States. The Supreme Court has continually upheld the fact that legal protection does not apply to pornography. The second myth is that pornography is a victimless crime. The fact that 683,000 forcible rapes occur to woman over 18 in the United states and estimates reveal that more than twice that number are casual and date rapes. Not only do 90% of rapists list porn as their main sexual interest, but 81% of serial murderers do as well.

The third myth is that if it is in a local store, it must be legal. The fact is that even illegal materials are readily available when laws against them are not readily enforced. If the citizens demand legal action, local officials will enforce them. The fifth and final myth is that there is nothing that the public can do about it. The fact is that many cities have eradicated hard-core pornography outlets from their communities by passing effective anti-pornography laws. Dramatic drops in sex-crime levels has resulted.

The best part is that these efforts have been started by only a few individuals. The third way that the anti-pornography movement uses rhetoric is by polarization. They have split from the main stream feminist groups for the reasons that I have discussed in the previous paragraph. The anti-pornography groups feel that their rivals are perpetuating the most dramatic abuse of women. The anti-porn movement feels strongly that their adversaries within feminism are attacking small rights and gains when the most basic human rights of safety and dignity are being withheld. One opposite viewpoint is patron ed by Betty Friedan who argues that what one woman may view as sensual another may view as pornography.

While Friedan does express concern over some content of porn, she expresses greater concern over the anti-porn feminist movement. She believes that to further censorship in the United States to suppress pornography is extremely dangerous to women. She believes that the danger is due to the fact that this movement aligns the liberal womans movement with the right wing of the conservative agenda. Friedan believes that only the conservatives have anything to gain from such an alliance. By examining the counterpoints on this issue, it is very easy to see why polarization is widely used. I would now like to focus on the movement ideology.

I would like to take a closer look at the ideology itself, the barriers faced and the prevalent ideology which is to be overcome. The ideology supported by the anti-pornography movement is complicated. While they are a feminist group and would not want censorship to prevail, there is undeniable evidence that pornography hurts women. The anti-porn movement focuses on the way in which women are portrayed in this medium. They also focus on the way that sex crimes are caused or promoted by the use of pornography. This makes for a varied support system for the movement.

While a great majority of this country does not use pornography and would not suffer in its absence, it is still an issue of freedom which must be addressed. The anti-pornography has one major complaint against the present status of pornography in this country. This is that women are being hurt by the use of pornography. While they do express concern over the actresses involved in the making of the films, they express more concern that this sex and violence against women perpetuates itself to everyday lives and effects innocent women. The main ideology that the anti-porn movement seeks to advance is to seriously limit the production and consumption of pornography. They feel that this is not an issue of censorship and must be dealt with by legislation.

The J.S. Mills principle is one theory that legislators have used in their attempts to ban suggestive material in the past. The anti-porn movement believes that this principle directly relates to their task because it limits the First Amendment rights in the event that people are being abused as a result. The greatest barriers that the anti-porn movement faces are those of their fellow liberals. Main stream feminists and other liberal movements and groups feel that this is putting a stumbling stone in the way of the freedoms that they have collectively fought for. There has been much conversation between the groups but neither side is wavering on their beliefs. The strange part is that for the first time in my recollection, the anti-porn movement, a part of the feminist movement, has aligned itself with a conservative viewpoint.

The main barriers are internal in my opinion. I feel that the average person in this country would not really care about the lack of pornography. If people knew the ills surrounding the pornography industry most people would surely support legislation to limit its use and abuse. However, liberal followers are not willing to cooperate with other groups that usually have opposing view points. This reminds me of a story about two feuding farmers that both die in a flood along with their families because they refused to join forces and bank the rising river. Because even many members of the anti-porn movement are hesitant about crossing the bridge to join the conservative right on this issue, women are being harmed.

I apologize for the injected idea in this section but I feel that when viewed from afar, every situation becomes more reasonable and at the same time irrational. The questions on page 75 in the text book Contemporary Movements and Ideologies by Roberta Garner bring up some very good points about the anti-pornography movement. First, I believe that the anti-porn movement would define the good society as one where there are equal rights for women in all situations. More importantly, I believe that the movement would state that safety and dignity for all people would be a very cement norm in the good society. The current existing societies, after all, are neither safe nor fair for women. The new set of beliefs and practices would be much more complicated.

The anti-porn movement is a feminist movement and would thus contain many of these beliefs. The difference would be that laws would exist that would maintain the dignity of all people through better portrayal of women and homosexuals in a variety of media. The result would be less sex crimes and rape within the good society. The way that we can change our society to make it correspond to our vision of the good society is to limit the production and consumption of pornography which furthers the abuses that the movement is against. The ideological critique of the state is not yet clear cut.

This issue blurs the traditional way in which we like to divide our politics; the right against the left. However, the economic sphere would be impacted by the passage of anti-porn legislation. There would be protest because, after all, this is a business to many. There would be no hunger or famine associated with the passage of such legislation so it is arguable that, in the grand scheme of things, there would be little impact. Politically, things are vastly different. I stated before that there are altering ideas that are both holding back and advancing the movement.

While some of the movement is hesitant about aligning themselves with the conservative right, some of the movement adores the idea. They like the idea because of the conservative rights ability and numbers. I feel that if they split the left on this issue then the legislation would pass easily. Culturally, the anti-pornography movement would further us as a people. Since some of our largest set backs in the area of equality are in seeing others as objects, this movement would greatly limit that impulse.

Social reproduction would be very hard to estimate what impact this movement would have on the sphere of social reproduction. In some manners, it may limit the sex lives of some people who use pornography to enrich their sex lives. In another way, it may help to make sex more sexual instead of an act. Hopefully, there would be a new appreciation for life both existent and future.

In my opinion this movement is very easy to support. The evidence is overwhelming that pornography harms people. I use people here because, as a male, I feel that there are many ills suffered by my sex as well. Altering perceptions about women is horribly but, to have your perceptions altered unconsciously is almost as bad. Men who are unaware that what they do hurts people are dangerous.

There is nothing innocent about pornography. There is nothing free about pornography. Pornography hurts people. The freedom of a certain few to perform these acts has placed many people in a position of suffering. Though I have never really used pornography, I have had brushes with it back in my fraternity days. I had friends that relished in the gruesome art that always turned my stomach.

I feel very bad for those friends that I had who honestly believed that pornography was okay. I wish that I hadnt written this paper. I stayed up late at night and read the articles and then thought until the wee hours of the morning. There I found something that I hadnt seen before. I found a country that can turn a blind eye and not intervene in spite of the statistics. I found people who were completely unable to see the disgusting residue that pornography leaves all over this country every day.

I found anger. Anger towards the users of pornography because they just dont know any better. Anger directed at the feminists who will fight to the grave for equal pay while their sisters are robbed of their dignity, safety and lives. How do we expect to have anything equal if we cant even recognize these simple things A person places their hand on a hot stove and gets burned; this we understand.

An angry loaner is convinced that women just want to be bent over and screwed then when he rapes some woman on her way through a parking lot we act surprised. I feel that this movement is going to gain rapid support as soon as some of these findings are more main stream. I also would believe that as more of these findings are discovered and researched this country would increase efforts to help its own citizens. I cant forget the quote by researcher Edward Donnerstein after his 1983 study. The relationship between particularly violent sexual images in media and subsequent aggression... is much stronger statistically than the relationship between smoking and lung cancer. af 3 Donnerstein, Edward. (1985).

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