China's Military Leaders example essay topic

China's armed forces The People's Republic of China (PRC) is seen by many as an economic powerhouse with the world's largest standing military that has the potential to translate economic power into the military sphere. As one of the elements of power, a nation's military potential is based not only on its capability to defeat an adversary, but also its ability to coerce and exercise influence. China's standing armed force of some 2.8 million active soldiers in uniform is the largest military force in the world. Approximately 1 million reservists and some 15 million militia back them up.

With a population of over 1.2 billion people, China also has a potential manpower base of another 200 million males fit for military service available at any time. In addition to this wealth of manpower, China is a nuclear power. It has enough megatonnage, missiles, and bombers to hit the United States, Europe, its Asian neighbors, and Russia. Notwithstanding the recent de targeting announcement between China and the United States, that does not change China's capability to hold Los Angeles or other U.S. cities hostage to nuclear threat. China is also an economic power of considerable strength. The PRC's economy quadrupled in the 15 years up to 1995.

The latest World Bank report on its economy, China 2020, indicates that China's gross domestic product (GDP) increased at a rate of between 6.6 percent and 8 percent annually between 1978 and 1995. And China has foreign exchange reserves of about U.S. $140.6 billion, primarily from foreign direct investment. For China's leaders, the economy is the most important factor determining future military power. The director of the political department of the People's Liberation Army's (PLA) Guangzhou Military Region described national power as a combination of economic strength and the 'level of defense modernization.

' Chinese leaders believe that economic growth will stagnate if resources are poured into military modernization at the expense of broader economic development. There are many serious problems for China's leaders to confront if they are to maintain healthy economic growth. Among the issues are an aging population, state owned enterprises (SOE) operating at a loss (50 percent), potential labor unrest, and potential financial crisis. If China is to continue on its current path of economic integration, the central leadership must remain linked to the international economy.

It also means that domestic stability must be ensured because no foreign country or banking house will invest in an unstable political environment. When Chinese military and civilian leaders claim that their priority is economic growth and stability, they mean it; the primary mission of the PLA and the People's Armed Police (PAP) is internal security and stability. To a large extent, the PLA has had to postpone its mission of external defense. In the short term, Beijing is distracted from a serious military buildup by problems that are resource-demanding. At this stage, and aware that the collapse of the Soviet Union occurred when Moscow attempted to win the arms race against the West, the PLA is prepared to remain under-resourced. To compensate, China's military leaders are working to develop the capability to control sea lines of communication, project regional force, and deter the United States and other potential adversaries in creative ways without matching forces.

Tourism in China Tourism phenomenon in China is young. It is now one of the goals of the Chinese economic development policy. The growth of tourism flows is exponential. Chinese authorities have opened recently this sector to foreign investments and Chinese private investments. But foreign projects in high-class hotels and travel agencies are still in restricted project category and procedure for approval still remains complicated.

The administration of tourism activities, despite the liberalization of the forms of enterprises, evolves towards a strengthening of control. Nevertheless, the discussions for China's entry into the World Trade Organization could influence the access to the Chinese market and the evolution to more liberal policy. Tourism in China is only about 20 years old. Since the opening of China in 1978, efforts to integrate the world tourist economy have been growing, and tourism is regarded as an important accompaniment to growth progression. In 1983, China became a member of the World Tourism Organization. In order to meet the increasing demand, the Chinese Government has softened its policy, opening this activity sector both to private capital and foreign capital, but the tourist activity still remains today under the strict control of the State.

Foreign investment in tourism industry as well as development of the different forms of the tourist activities are stricter controlled. The Peoples' Republic of China represents the most serious challenge to Western and Canadian interests in the Pacific. The reasons are many and diverse. For instance, the Chinese economy despite the Asia economic crisis is still growing at an amazing rate, and as it grows, its military and political prestige grows along with it. Indeed, China is adopting a more aggressive military stance that may allow it to challenge the United States' position as the dominant power in Asia and perhaps on the globe by the first half of the next century. Factors that support this contention include: China has expanded its national security objectives; China has changed its patterns in the use of military force; China is developing a modern war machine and sea control capability and; China is attempting to build an anti-American and anti-West alliance.

Changes in China's Use of Force In the past, China's use of force, both in doctrine and in reality, was defensive in nature and can be traced back to the teachings of its ancient generals such as Sun Tzu. Chinese doctrine always called for an opponent who breached the Great Wall to be defeated in the interior of the country by trading space for time. Chinese doctrine in principle has remained constant from the days of the empire, to the republic, to Mao, and although the names attached to the doctrine may have changed over the centuries, the doctrine had not shifted from its basic principle, until recently. The same can be said for each case in which China has used force in its international relations.

In each instance, Korea in 1950, India in 1962, the Sino-Soviet border in 1969, and Vietnam in 1979, China probed its opponents, warned them of Chinese intentions, demonstrated its intentions through troop movements, and then attacked to achieve limited objectives; after which China pursued detente. All operations were in close proximity to Chinese borders, and all were areas critical to China's national security. Simply, China reacted with force each time a hostile power encroached on its borders or attempted to contain China. For example, China's punitive invasions of the Parcel Islands in 1974, of Vietnam in 1979, and its support of the Khmer Rouge in Cambodia demonstrated to the Soviet Union, that China would not be contained.

Secondly, one of the fundamental cornerstones of the People's Republic of China's national security policy has been the reunification of the Chinese homeland. To this end, China has engaged in the use of force twice; once in Tibet in the 1950's and, along the Sino-Soviet border in 1969. Recently, however, China's use of force has taken a more aggressive course in terms of its maritime interests in the Pacific Ocean. In 1988, PLA naval forces attacked and sank three Vietnamese warships in the Spratly Islands. The Chinese completed a fighter plane capable air base on Woody Island in the annexed Parcel Islands during 1990.

In March 1994, it was reported that the PLA had set up an early warning radar base on Fiery Cross Reef in the Spratly. In October, 1994, Chinese naval and air forces shadowed the USS Kitty Hawk carrier battle group off of Korea. Then, in 1995, the PLA naval forces occupied Mischief Reef part of the Philippines territory. China test-fired highly accurate M-9 and M-11 missiles in July 1995, and March 1996, and conducted military exercises near Taiwan, raising stakes in the region, and necessitating the deployment of two American aircraft carrier battle groups. Only after the appearance of the American battle fleet did the Chinese relent. In May 1999, 12 Chinese warships entered the disputed Senkaku Islands area claimed by Japan.

Late May 1999, saw Chinese warships train their guns on a stranded Philippi no supply ship the Sierra Madre in the disputed Spratly Islands. Lastly, from July to September, 1999, China conducted a series of war games in the Nanjing Military District and in the Straits of Taiwan to protest Taiwanese president Lee's commends on's tate to state' relations. China announced on 15 July, 1999, that it possessed neutron bombs useful against troops on Taiwan's outlying islands, and against American carrier battle groups. China also test-fired its new 8000 Kilometre range DF-31 mobile ICBM on August 2 as a warning to both Taiwan and the United States. Now Chinese military leaders are writing about 'local war under high technology' conditions.

Senior PLA officers such as Colonel Qiao Liang are writing about 'Cyber War, and 'Dirty War,' in what is more aggressive, offensive doctrine than in the past. Without question, the Chinese have been willing to use force to meet their strategic objectives and to acquire strategically placed islands in the South China Sea to use as military bases for the modernized Chinese war machine. China's Recent Diplomatic Activity China's diplomatic efforts in the last few years seems to be an effort to secure its Western borders so that it could concentrate its efforts on East Asia- Pacific concerns. China was and still is concerned about its Eastern flash-points: North Korea; its 'renegade province' Taiwan; the South China Sea; and its arch rival Japan. In 1996 China reached agreements with Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, India, Myanmar, and significantly, Russia; all located along its Western border. This year observers began to consider the fact that China might be in the process of building a new alliance, a sort of 'Asian NATO' as a counter-balance to United States, NATO, and their Asia-Pacific allies' military supremacy.

China viewed NATO intervention in Yugoslavia this year with suspicion and fear. Naturally, China feared that its own volatile relationship with Taiwan and its own internal problems might be used by the United States as a pretext in the future for American military intervention in Chinese affairs. Indeed China, Russia, India, and Indonesia all share the same fears of American and Western intervention into their internal affairs. This fear of Western intervention led by the United States may be the driving force behind recent Chinese diplomatic moves to foster a military alliance to challenge Western global dominance. Russia's relations with China are complex.

Russia's superpower slide has come as a great insult to many Russian nationalists who have had their proverbial 'noses rubbed' in the West's Cold War victory and this tends to drive Russia toward China rather than Europe. Russia's Parliament is generally concerned and angry about NATO's eastward expansion, and the expansion plans are viewed with suspicion by many ordinary Russians, especially after Kosovo. Because Russian military equipment is much more advanced than China's, the constantly modernizing PLA is a potential cash cow for the financially strapped Russian government. Clearly, the Russians are not concerned about their 'high tech' weapon sales to China, a historic adversary.

Russian President Boris Yeltsin, and Chinese President Jiang Zemin, have made statements about co-operating with each other in a bid to prevent what both nations view as American global dominance. Both states reacted angrily over NATO intervention in Yugoslavia this year and moved even closer together to counter Washington's military might. In early October 1999, China and Russia held joint naval exercises in the Pacific to test their ability to exchange data.'s well, Indonesia and China are becoming closer after what the Indonesians view as Western intervention in East Timor, and the suspension of American aid. China, Russia and Indonesia have all bristled about NATO intervention in Yugoslavia over Kosovo, and all fear that the West led by the United States may have reason to interfere in their backyards.

Indonesian President Wahid, prior to his election as President, stated his interest in a alliance with China and India after a meeting this year with the Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party. His reason was to address the 'lopsided' power of the West. Since becoming President of Indonesia, Wahid has gone to China to discuss closer ties and Chinese officials are discussing arms sales with their Indonesian counterparts. Wahid has also gone to Burma to discuss enhancing Indonesian and Burmese relations and made a point of stating Indonesia would not interfere in Burmese internal matters. Having Indonesia, one of the world's most populated nations, in a military alliance with China and Russia would be a major foreign policy coup. Additionally, India in what might be described as a 'bolt from the blue's tarted to court Chinese support in an attempt to calm India's stormy relations with Pakistan and to counter Western power in the Indian Ocean.

Russia and India have re-vamped their old cold war relationship and are again looking at Indian arms purchases from Russian companies. India would like China to restrain Pakistan. India, China and Russia share many critical foreign policy views. For example, like Russia and China, India opposed the NATO bombing campaign directed at Yugoslavia, India wants a stable Central Asia, India fears Islamic fundamentalists, India is against anti-ballistic missile defense, India believes in the primacy of the security council, and non intervention in a country's internal affairs.

During this year's India-Pakistan conflict, India's Foreign Minister Jas want Singh told China, that India did not view China as a 'threat' any longer. In response to India's overture, China's Foreign Minister Tang, stated that relations had, 'entered a phase of improvement. ' Hard as it may be to believe, alliances have been built on less of a foundation of common foreign policy interests. Only time will tell if India will join China in an anti-United States / Western alliance. Furthermore, China has over many years developed a close relationship with the Generals and international pariahs who rule Myanmar. Several reports have stated that the Chinese are preparing to base a naval squadron in the Coco Islands or Hainggy Islands off Myanmar.

This relationship would allow China to project power into the Indian Ocean and the Persian Gulf, or even to attack shipping choke points from the Persian Gulf to the Spratly Islands, where reports cite the presence of anti-shipping cruise missiles. Indian Defence Minister, George Fernandes stated that the remarkable growth of the Myanmar army from 160,000 to 450,000 soldiers in six years was done 'with the support of China. ' In return, the ruling Myanmar generals and their army get support from China when dealing with the international community to the point that Myanmar is a Chinese client state. Additionally, Iran and China have signed an agreement of cooperation and this has led to fears of a China-Iran alliance that might be used to threaten American interests in the strategically important Gulf region. In time of crisis, China might persuade Iran to shut down the Gulf, and cut the oil supply to east and west. This would have the immediate effect of taking American attention away from East Asia, and focusing it on the Gulf.

While America military forces would be countering Iranian activities in the Gulf region, China could start moving against the United States' oil-dependent East Asia allies, particularly Japan, South Korea, and Taiwan. Iran could also use its influence to stiff le Muslim extremism within Xinjiang Province, and in oil-rich, former Soviet states along China's frontier. In summary, Russia, Indonesia, India, Myanmar, and Iran, have bi-lateral ties with China that one day could be formed into a military alliance in a furtherance of China's national security objectives. In conclusion, China is preparing to challenge the United States and its allies, Asian or otherwise, for mastery of Asia-Pacific. As demonstrated in the paper: China has expanded its national security objectives; China has changed its patterns in the use of military force; China is developing a modern war machine and sea control capability and; China is attempting to build an anti-American and anti-West alliance. There can only be one reason for these activities.

These are not moves directed at local opponents or guided by the principles of self-defence. This is a move aimed at the world's sole remaining superpower, the United States. American superpower ship rests on the fact that it is master of the North and South American continent, the oceans that surround that land mass, and a forward presence in strategically important regions of the world such as, Western Europe, the Persian Gulf, and Asia. If China and the PLA can marginalize the United States in Asia, then they can challenge the United States' mantle as the world's only superpower. Only time will tell if they can be successful in their ambition. web tourism Forecasts to the Year 2000 and beyond, World Tourism Organization Publishing.