Conservative Party And Disraeli's Attacks On Peel example essay topic

It would have been too much of a under taking to capture the definition of Conservatism on a whole in the content of Europe, so I decided to narrow down to the states of Britain and Germany where conservative government and thinkers were most predominate. General definitions of conservatism are difficult and ultimately, fruitless, since conservatism is a national phenomenon. Liberalism and socialism, on the other hand, is to much lesser extent the product of particular political tradition or religious patters, or of special institutional structures which, from a conservative standpoint, set future social and political life for people. Most British conservatives always remained within the confines of the natural law tradition (Organic ideal), while German conservatism developed in opposition to this same philosophical idea.

Conservatism is an historical phenomenon which draws its conceptions of nature, authority, freedom, property, and religion for example from the special blend of history and national tradition which gave rise to it. In my research I found Conservatives, particularly in England, define themselves not to what they are, but what they are not. Conservative individuals, in the broad sense of opponents to religious, socioeconomic, and political change, have existed since the beginning of recorded history; but yet it is commonly accepted by historians that a Conservative movement appeared in Europe only toward the end of the eighteenth century In Germany conservatism took shape by mainly attacking two political theories: that of the absolutist state and that of democratic movement. Germany Conservatism did not entirely agree with Absolutism where it had destroyed many old institutions and replaced them with a rational structure that had been contrived for the benefit and efficient operation of a new artificial political machine. German Conservatism opposed to this mechanical state would stress the importance of organic historical institutions which in the long course of their development would prove to serve the needs of the people. A writer named Justus Moser was the first man to defend the varied old constitutional structures in towns in villages and saw a German central state as being bureaucratic and impersonal and was against the new directives of such a state.

Democracy was the second front on which German conservatism fought its battles of self-definition. The enemy was basically the same as in the struggle against absolutism: rationality-Democracy was Rooted in the belief in the rationality of nature, democracy regards mankind as united by man's rational mind. British and German (Europe in general) conservatism has always attacked this concept of democracy and opposed their logical consequence that is the planning of political and social processes in the form of a constitution. German conservatives would launched their attack in the tradition of great French conservative thinker de Maistre.

De Maistre was convinced that newly founded capital based on these ideas would never be able to survive or become a thriving city because of its lack of historical roots and organic structures (common example for that day and age could be the United States of America and its capital Washington DC). Both English and German conservatives of the day thought it impossible simply to put one hundred articles on paper and arrive at a constitution which could foresee and program the basic principles and structure of the future political and social life of millions o people. It is interesting to apply these conservative to modern day society where one could argue that they were right in some aspects; such as in Canada our constitution has been under fire on a regular basis with forced constitutional amendments for Natives in the Charlottetown accord in 1993 for the French in 1979 and 1995. In Germany conservatives were counter-revolutionaries, which were opponents to the attempt to replace old political structures with new "rational" ones.

Where for the British, and European in general, counter-revolution meant attempting to restore the pre-revolutionary situation by literally ignoring that revolutions had ever taken place. Some historians interpret German conservatism as a bourgeois ideology which tried to avoid the consequences of its own political philosophy. The moment the working class applied the political idea of freedom and equality to attain more rights and social security, the bourgeoisie made an ideological about-turn toward a past which was regarded as a "golden age", that was without the instability of industrialization. In Germany the greater the pressure from the working class, the more the bourgeoisie sought the protection of the crown and the feudal class. This weakness of the bourgeois class continued from the disaster of the 1848 revolutions all the way up to the Weimar Republic and provided the model for German conservatism until after the Second World War. No other form of European conservatism showed as strong a tendency toward backward thinking and escapism.

Another important aspect in the development of German conservatism was the lack of national unity, which is perhaps the single most significant aspect of German history. German conservatism tried to substitute in the form of a so-called "Kultur nation, of one people united by custom, language, poetry and music, and a common tradition in which all these factors defined a unique German history. In other states, such as in France in the US founded it's unity on a democratic revolution, that citizens viewed themselves as founders of a form of government based on freedom and equality for all people. Germany in contrast, which had not had the experience of a democratic revolution and which had not been able to unite it's people with such fundamentals In Britain the "Conservative Party" was, to some extent, the continuation of the old Tory Party, members of which began forming "conservative associations" after the 1832 Reform Act. John Wilson Croker, writing in the Quarterly Review on 1 January 1830 first used the name "Conservative" as a description of the party.

At this point in time, the Duke of Wellington was the leader of the Tories in parliament: it might be said, therefore, that he was the first leader of the Conservatives. Certainly the Duke spoke of a partie conservateur - a "conserving party" in his time but it is interesting that he chose to use the French term rather than an English equivalent. The conservative ideology virtually began with Edmund Burke's Reflections on the Revolution. At this time for a conservative even to write a doctrine deliberately commenting and defining established institutions was against the core idea of conservatism. Some key points in Burkes writing that I particulary liked was that he held that human society can not work with theorist imposing abstract ideas on real life; and the values and institutions are not manufactured in study, but grow from the soil as rooted, with historical things ie church.

He believed constitutions ought not to be eri tten out as formal rules. That is that rights exist in the hearts of people or they are no good. Rights in the abstract are worthless or even worse destructive. He believed that real rights are products of people's history and are embed in it's customs. Burke was very right winged views rejected rationalism in politics all together Conservatism as explained by Sir Robert Peel, British PM in 1834, was based on Tory traditions built up under Liverpool PM from 1812-1827: defense of Crown, Church and Constitution.

Defense of the constitution meant o preservation of the prerogatives of the Crown o upholding the independence of the House of Lords o continuation of the union of Church and State Conservative instead of the traditional term, Tory, was first used in Britain by George Canning in 1824. The term became more popular after it was used by Sir Robert Peel in his Tamworth Manifesto in 1834. His followers tended to describe themselves as Conservatives rather than Tories... In 1842 Disraeli helped to form the Young England group.

Disraeli and members of his group argued that the middle class now had too much political power and advocated an alliance between the aristocracy and the working class. Disraeli suggested that the aristocracy should use their power to help protect the poor. This political philosophy was expressed in Disraeli's novels Coningsby (1844), Sybil (1845) and Tancred (1847). In these books the leading characters show concern about poverty and the injustice of the parliamentary system.

Disraeli favored a policy of protectionism and strongly opposed Peel's decision to repeal the Corn Laws. This issue split the Conservative Party and Disraeli's attacks on Peel helped to bring about his political downfall. In 1866 the Earl of Derby became Prime Minister for a third time. Benjamin Disraeli, the new leader of Hose of Commons, pointed out that although attempts by Lord John Russell and William Gladstone to extend the franchise had failed, he believed that if the Liberals returned to power, they would certainly try again. Disraeli argued that unless the Conservatives took action they were in danger of being seen as an anti-reform party. This time Derby accepted Disraeli's arguments and in 1867 his government proposed a new Reform Act.

Although some members of the Cabinet such as Lord Carnarvon and Lord Cranbourne (later the Marquis of Salisbury) resigned in protest against this extension of democracy, the 1867 Reform Act was passed. The 1867 Reform Act gave the vote to every male adult householder living in a borough constituency. Male lodgers paying lb 10 for unfurnished rooms were also granted the vote. This gave the vote to about 1,500,000 men. The Reform Act also dealt with constituencies and boroughs with less than 10,000 inhabitants lost one of their MPs. The forty-five seats left available were distributed by: (i) giving fifteen to towns which had never had an MP; (ii) giving one extra seat to some larger towns - Liverpool, Manchester, Birmingham and Leeds; ( ) creating a seat for the University of London; (iv) giving twenty-five seats to counties whose population had increased since 1832.

In 1868 Lord Derby resigned and Benjamin Disraeli became the new Prime Minister. However, in the 1868 General Election that followed, William Gladstone and the Liberals were returned to power with a majority of 170. After six years in opposition, Disraeli and the Conservative Party won the 1874 General Election. It was the first time since 1841 that the Tories in the House of Commons had a clear majority. Disraeli now had the opportunity to the develop the ideas that he had expressed when he was leader of the Young England group in the 1840's. Social reforms passed by the Disraeli government included: the Artisans Dwellings Act (1875), the Public Health Act (1875), the Pure Food and Drugs Act (1875), the Climbing Boys Act (1875), the Education Act (1876).

Disraeli also introduced measures to protect workers such as the 1874 Factory Act and the Climbing Boys Act (1875). Disraeli also kept his promise to improve the legal position of trade unions. The Conspiracy and Protection of Property Act (1875) allowed peaceful picketing and the Employers and Workmen Act (1878) enabled workers to sue employers in the civil courts if they broke legally agreed contracts The Liberals defeated the Conservatives in the 1880 General Election and after William Gladstone became Prime Minister, Disraeli decided to retire from politics. Disraeli hoped to spend his retirement writing novels but soon after the publication of Endymion (1880) he became very ill. Benjamin Disraeli died on 19th April, 1881. Conservatism, in politics, the desire to maintain, or conserve, the existing order.

Conservatives value the wisdom of the past and are generally opposed to widespread reform. Modern political conservatism emerged in the 19th century in reaction to the political and social changes associated with the eras of the French Revolution and the Industrial Revolution. By 1850 the term conservatism, probably first used by Chateaubriand, generally meant the politics of the right. The original tenets of European conservatism had already been formulated by Edmund Burke, Joseph de Maistre, and others. They emphasized preserving the power of king and aristocracy, maintaining the influence of landholders against the rising industrial bourgeoisie, limiting suffrage, and continuing ties between church and state. The conservative view that social welfare was the responsibility of the privileged inspired passage of much humanitarian legislation, in which English conservatives usually led the way.

In the late 19th century great conservative statesmen, notably Benjamin Disraeli, exemplified the conservative tendency to resort to moderate reform in order to preserve the foundations of the established order. By the 20th cent. conservatism was being redirected by erstwhile liberal manufacturing and professional groups who had achieved many of their political aims and had become more concerned with preserving them from attack by groups not so favored. Conservatism lost its predominantly agrarian and semi feudal bias, and accepted democratic suffrage, advocated economic laissez-faire, and opposed extension of the welfare state. This form of conservatism, which is best seen in highly industrialized nations, was exemplified by President Reagan in the United States and Prime Minister Thatcher in Great Britain. It has been flexible and receptive to moderate change, favors the maintenance of order on social issues, and actively supports deregulation and privatization in the economic sphere. Conservatism should be distinguished both from a reactionary desire for the past and the radical right-wing ideology of fascism and National Socialism.

Maistre, Joseph de, 1753-1821, French writer and diplomat. Born in Savoy, he was Sardinian ambassador at St. Petersburg from 1803 to 1817. A passionate Roman Catholic and royalist, he was master of a rigidly logical doctrine and the possessor of a great store of knowledge. These qualities, combined with a fine ability in writing French prose, made him perhaps the most powerful literary enemy of 18th-century rationalism, in which he delighted to detect logical weakness and shallowness. His principal works were Du pape [on the pope] (1819) and Les Soir " ees de Saint-P'etersbourg [discussions in St. Petersburg] (1821). They develop his idea that the world should be one, ruled absolutely by the pope as the spiritual ruler, with no temporal ruler having an independent authority.

Disraeli, Benjamin, 1st earl of Beaconsfield, 1804-81, British statesman and author. He is regarded as the founder of the modern Conservative party. Justus Moser, the great conservative critic of the absolutist state, found the criteria for his conservatism in a society which absolutism was about to destroy. In this way he called to mind social structures which were no more than a hundred years old. Nov alis and Adam Muller, and the political romantics wanted to go back to the Middle Ages, the time when German emperors owned, reigned over and united large parts of Europe. Later in the 19th century, German conservatism even turned to king of the Franks such as Charles I, emperor of the Holy Roman Empire 800-814, in there search for a fitting yardstick for present and future German politics.

This phenomenon is unique and not to be found in any other form of European conservatism. British Conservatism, even to the present day, is known for its organic development for having a sense for historical and political necessity. Unlike the other European states, including Britain, where the bourgeoisie were generally pro parliamentary regimes, the German bourgeois song the praises of a romantic movement in which reactionary legitimism supported the power of feudal-authoritarian state.