Crucial Aspect In Png's National Interest Objectives example essay topic

Various forms of power can be used by any given country to pursue its perceived national interests. In this case, Papua New Guinea (PNG) will be examined. Although power cannot always be accurately defined it can be measured in certain dimensions. Military force can effectively assist a country to pursue its perceived national interests. However, a country such as PNG may not think it necessary to use its defence force or to have a large army. Economic might is something PNG seriously lacks but this could be seen as a 'power of weakness'; it has been one reason for Australia's significant financial aid and has contributed to a strong relationship between the two countries.

It is said that PNG effectively uses diplomacy however its serious internal problems undermine PNG's ability to pursue its perceived national interests. PNG's national goals are fairly limited. However, it wishes to promote economic development, avoid problems with Indonesia and more generally to be secure in its, best manage its relations with Australia, and resolve its internal problems. Power can be divided into two broad categories.

It can refer to both the capacity a state has to influence events and to the relationships that nation-states or other non-state actors have with each other. The former, is a measure of the potential of a state either in general or in relation to given situations, which is known as 'potential power'. The latter, involves power becoming not only a matter of resource measurement but of assessing the nature of relationships that actually exist, known as 'actual power'. Military might can be a great power asset in the pursuit of national interests by any nation-state. However, in the case of PNG this 'asset' does not exist. The Papua New Guinea Defence Force (PNGDF), consisting of 2000 people, has proven to be unstable and ineffective.

This can be seen in its failed attempt to defeat the Bougainville Revolutionary Army and in the army mutiny against the Chan Government during the Sand line Crisis. Nevertheless, PNG may understand itself to be in a situation that it does not warrant a large army. This could be because it believes it can use more effective measures of power to reach its national objectives. Other nation-states such as the United States of America have used their significantly large military force to its advantage, meeting many of their national objectives by the use of this 'asset'. This kind of power in well illustrated in its present War on Terror. The relativity of power is demonstrated in these two cases: military force can be successful in the pursuit of national interest objectives or largely irrelevant.

The quality of military force can depend on the health of the economy, which in the case of PNG would explain a lot given that its economic situation is considerably flawed. Economic strength, which depends on trade, can be a very effective power 'asset'. For example, Japan has used its economic strength to exercise power over certain trade relations. PNG does not have this favorable form of power. Aside from other things, inflation is at 10.4% and unemployment is running at 36%.

This has led PNG to depend financially on larger nation-states (mainly Australia) and non-state actors (International Monetary Fund and World Bank). It can be argued that this economic dependence has limited PNG's 'freedom of action' and that its sovereignty has been compromised. However, this power 'deficit' can be seen to some degree as an 'asset' because it means that PNG itself does gain significant financial aid, in particular from Australia, and this in turn leads to positive economic relations with its neighbour and former colonial 'master'. PNG's close ties with Australia hold great significance and are a definite power 'asset', as are any friendly bilateral or multilateral relationships held by any nation-state.

Australia provides PNG with two-thirds of its foreign aid (330 million in 2001), is the major source of investment, and is PNG's largest export market. Australia has also assisted PNG with military equipment and has helped train many members of the PNGDF. Although there have been periods of tension, generally both nation-states have benefited from this relationship. This relationship, this power 'asset', has helped PNG pursue and achieve some of its national interests: regional security and economic development.

This kind of diplomatic agreement with Australia is a powerful tool that many nation-states use to obtain their national interest objectives; PNG uses it throughout the Asia-Pacific region. 'Universalism', an approach introduced by the first minister for Foreign Affairs, Albert Maori Kiki - which involved PNG being on 'good terms with all nations and hostile to none' - along with the concept of 'active and selective engagement' - are two forms of diplomacy which PNG used. During the 1980's PNG was particularly diplomatically active when it became a leading member of the South Pacific Forum and helped in the creation of the Melanesian Spearhead Group - a sub-regional grouping, consisting of PNG, Vanuatu and the Solomon Islands. This diplomatic form of power has quite effectively helped PNG pursue some of its national interests.

For example it has again, helped stabilise relationships with nations in its immediate regions. The stabilising of PNG's relationship with Indonesia - a bordering nation-state - is a crucial aspect in PNG's national interest objectives. Indonesia can be seen as a potential threat to PNG with its massive population of 211 million people, its sizeable army and its proven willingness to act with brute force, for example in West Papua, East Timor and in Aceh. A border of 750 kilometers between the two countries has seen many Indonesian incursions into PNG and is the source of much tension.

For instance, the border has been crossed by rebels of the Free Papua Movement (OPM) and civilians in search of refuge. In this example, although many PNG citizens are pro-OPM, because they share a Melanesian background, PNG cannot be seen to support OPM for fear of upsetting Indonesia. This pro-Indonesian stance can be seen in the signing of the 1986 Treaty of Mutual Respect, Friendship and Cooperation. Diplomacy was the instrument used here to pursue and achieve PNG's national interest of avoiding problems with Indonesia.

Nevertheless, PNG's ability to achieve its already limited perceived national interest objectives is ultimately restricted by its internal problems. There is no sense of unity in PNG. Due to ethnic differences many believe that Papua should be independent of New Guinea and there is much resentment between the highlands and the lowlands. The Bougainville crisis, which lasted for more the twenty years, has also contributed significantly to disunity within PNG. The Government believes Bougainville should remain part of PNG whereas the members of the Bougainville Revolutionary Army and its followers are pushing for independence. PNG's mountainous geographical features - in many ways a power 'deficit' - also contribute to the limited sense of identity in PNG.

On top of this, PNG's political system has been very unstable and corrupt ever since independence. Political parties in PNG have little party coherence and even less party discipline; they swap and change alliances in whichever way will benefit their own individual interests; the quality of leadership in PNG's case is a definite 'deficit'. In conjunction with PNG's struggling economy (as discussed previously) the internal problems very much restrict PNG's ability to pursue its national interests. There are many forms of power a nation-state can use to pursue its perceived national interests but because many of these inter-link it is a complex matter. In the context of PNG, diplomacy and its friendly relationships with bordering countries appear to be the only forms of power used at the present time to achieve some of its national interests. However, PNG's internal problem's heavily weigh on it's ability to both act independently and achieve its goals.