Ebonics In Place Of Standard English example essay topic

Ebonics means 'black speech' (a blend of the words ebony 'black' and phonics 'sounds'). The phrase was created in 1973 by a group of black scholars who disliked the negative connotations of terms like 'Nonstandard Negro English' that had been coined in the 1960's when the first modern large-scale linguistic studies of African American speech communities began. However, the term Ebonics never caught on amongst linguists, much less among the general public. That all changed with the 'Ebonics' controversy of December 1996 when the Oakland (CA) School Board recognized it as the 'primary' language of its majority African American students and resolved to take it into account in teaching them standard or academic English. Clearly there is a problem with these children that may be addressed by looking at language. The role that Ebonics may play in changing the above statistics is a practical question.

Only the completion of a program including Ebonics, and time, will reveal the answer. Whatever the basic agenda in Oakland California, it is important to look at the question of Ebonics from the point of view of doing what is best for children. Acknowledging the strength of Ebonics in no way suggests teaching Ebonics in place of Standard English. Acknowledging the strength of Ebonics can and should serve to ease the teaching of Standard English. Many people see Ebonics as 'gutter language', and 'slang', and are quite outspoken about it.

These beliefs are deeply rooted in society. Resistance to the acknowledgment that Blacks who use Ebonics may be speaking a unique language is very strong, but I believe it is important to challenge the belief that Ebonics is 'slang'. Some people have stated that the movement to recognize Ebonics is Afro-Centrism at its worst. I would argue that the attempts to squelch Ebonics are Euro-Centrism at its worst and most intense.

Ebonics includes non-slang words like ashy (referring to the appearance of dry skin, especially in winter), which have been around for a while, and are used by people of all age groups. These distinctive Ebonics pronunciations are all logical. For example, Ebonics speakers often create sentences without present tense is and are, as in ' They all right or 'They all right'. But they don't leave out present tense am. Instead of the ungrammatical 'Ah walk in', Ebonics speakers would say 'Ahm walk in.

' Also, they do not leave out is and are if they are at the end of a sentence -- 'That's what he / they ' is ungrammatical. Many people view Ebonics as a symbol of inadequate education or complexity. One-reason linguists don't use the term 'Ebonics' very freely is that it is very unclear, and such questions are hard to answer. Generally we use the term 'African American Vernacular English', or AAVE.

Linguists know very well that there are African Americans who cannot speak this language with fluency; that there are some non-African Americans who can; and that almost all African Americans have some control of other forms of English, including Standard American English. A large number of African American adults are absolutely fine with both AAVE and Standard American English, and are competent at using it in the suitable situations. The history of AAVE and its genetic affiliation, by which we mean what language varieties it is related to, are also a matter of controversy. Some scholars contend that AAVE developed out of the contact between speakers of West African languages and speakers of vernacular English varieties.

According to such a view, West Africans learnt English on plantations in the southern Coastal States (Georgia, South Carolina, etc.) from a very small number of native speakers (the indentured laborers). Some suggest that this led to the development of a basic pidgin, which was later, expanded through a process of realization. Others who advocate a contact scenario for the development of AAVE suggest that the contact language (an early creole-like AAVE) developed through processes of second language acquisition. According to such a view West Africans newly arrived on plantations would have limited access to English grammatical models because the number of native speakers was so small (just a few indentured servants on each plantation). In such a situation a community of second language learners might graft what English vocabulary that could be garnered from transient encounters onto the few grammatical patterns, which are common to the languages of West Africa.

What linguists refer to as universal grammar (the law-like rules and tendencies which apply to all natural human language) would have played a significant role in such processes as well? This kind of thing seems to have taken place in the Caribbean and may also have happened in some places, at some times in the United States. For instance Gullah or Sea Islands Creole spoken in the Coastal Islands of South Carolina and Georgia seems to have formed in this way. A number of scholars do not accept such a scenario. These researchers argue that the demographic conditions in the US and the Caribbean (where restructured creole languages are widely spoken) were really quite different and that the conditions necessary for the emergence of a fully-fledged creole language were never met in the US. These scholars have shown on a number of occasions that what look like distinctive features of AAVE today actually have a precedent in various varieties of English spoken in Great Britain and the Southern United States.

It seems reasonable to suggest that both views are partially correct and that AAVE developed to some extent through restructuring while it also inherited many of its today distinctive features from older varieties of English, which were once widely spoken. While the situation in this case is made more extreme by the context of racial and ethnic conflict, inequality and prejudice in the United States, it is not unique. Such undecided attitudes towards abnormal varieties of a language have been documented for many communities around the world and in the United States.

Bibliography

Smit herman, G. (1991).
Talking and testify in: Black English and the Black experience. In Reginald Jones (Ed.) Black Psychology. (3rd ed., pp. 249-268). Berkeley, CA: Cobb & Henry Spears, A.K. (1984).