Indonesia's Purchase Of Military Aircraft From Russia example essay topic

I INTRODUCTION A. Background Indonesian President Megawati Sukarnoputri signed a little-publicized deal at the end of April to purchase four Russia fighter jets and two helicopters as part of a much larger potential order. The decision to buy from Russia was a subject to a United States ban on military purchases; this marks a small but significant shift from Indonesia's current dependence on United States' military hardware. The Indonesian military is suffering from acute lack of supplies and parts for its heavy amour as well for light equipment. The United States' imposed embargo on Indonesia since 1999 has rendered the country's military equipment and apparatus partly redundant, leaving Indonesia, once a military might in the South East Asian region desperately behind its neighbors. The United States Congressional bans were first put in place in 1991 after the infamous Santa Cruz massacre of pro-independence civilian supporters in East Timor. They were further tightened in 1999, following the involvement of the Indonesian armed forces (Tentara Nasional Indonesia) in the rampages by pro-Jakarta militia in East Timor.

This is not the first time that Indonesia turns to Russia for military hardware supports, as it matter of fact, history has recorded the rise and fall of Russian armaments in Indonesia as an inseparable part of the rise and fall of bilateral relationship between the two. From late 1950's to early 1960's, Indonesia was mainly dependent on Soviet's arms. At that time Indonesia was in campaign for the reclaim of West Papua, consequently, it needed a large number of weaponry. But United States were reluctant to sell any to Indonesia, because it did not make any sense if they sell weapons that would be used to fight against Dutch, their own ally. Soviet, on the other hand, was being kind to give arms support that would be paid in long-term and low-interest rate debt. The military equipment received from Soviet, especially for the navy, was so enormous that Indonesia became on of the sea power of Asia.

But then, relationships between the two got worsen in late 1960's, and Indonesia was having a hard time in maintaining its military power, particularly to keep up with the advance of military technology. Now, almost a half-century afterward, military friendship between Indonesia and Russia revived again. In time of need, Indonesia turns again to Russia. As it mater of fact, Indonesia is facing a hard time dealing with United States' military embargo.

Lacking from military equipment support, Indonesia can no longer continue its reliance to United States' military assistance. In addition, Indonesia is not yet in stable economic condition after the crisis that struck in 1998, hence the purchasing power is somewhat low. But despite those conditions, the need of military equipment to support Indonesian defense strategy is inevitable. Russia, by being a friend in need, has proved it self to be a friend in deed. Time had changed, the Cold War had ended, and security paradigm had shifted and expanded. Conventional threat that come from military aggression is no longer the become the only concern; many other danger threatens the well-being and the very existence of a nation itself.

Arms transfer is no longer being conducted in the Cold War framework, with the rivalries between United States and the Soviet to gain influence. Though the sensitivity of this issue may no longer be so provoking, but still the acquisition of military equipment is an important occasion in a state's defense strategy. B. Problem Identification From the background noted above, the problem that will be addressed in this paper can be defined as following: "How does the grand strategy of Indonesia implied in the policy to strengthen its military power by purchasing military aircraft's from Russia, and what are the considerations for designing such policy?" II THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK Daniel S. Papp mentioned four different reasons for the widespread desire of states to improve their military forces, which accelerate further the flow of arms to the Developing World states. First, most Developing World states face security challenges on or near their border. The regional rivalries, including disputes on the arrangement of international boundaries, provide one motivation for arming.

Second, internal security also provides another reason for improving military forces. Weapons have many purposes, not the least of which is suppressing dissent, because in many cases it involved the maintenance of authoritarian or dictatorial regime. The third reason is that the military has been, historically, the measure of a nation's prestige. Last, improving military forces is believed to be an effort to escape vestiges of the colonial past. Military force is a viable proof of independence, even if one's economy is controlled or influenced by others. Andrew J. Pierre said that arms sales are much further than an economic event, or a military relationship, or a challenge in arms-control; arms sales are foreign policy writ large.

The deployment of military instruments by states gives rise to two types of threat: those from the weapons themselves, and those from the fact that weapons are in the hands of other actors in the system. The first threat is mostly one of destruction, though it also has a significant element of opportunity cost even if the weapons are not used. Indonesian national condition is very much influenced by the development of strategic context, because of the geopolitics of Indonesia as an archipelago, which lies between two continents (Asia and Australia) and two oceans (Pacific Ocean and Indian Ocean). Such position implies in the interconnection of Indonesia's national interest and the interest of others. The dynamics of strategic context, in global, regional or domestic scope, provide the potential threat that has to be dealt in the future.

In the traditional forms, threat can be defined as invasion or military aggression; but there also exist non-traditional threat, such as terrorism and transnational organized crime. It is less likely that traditional threat would actually occur, because United Nations and international community are supposed to have a role in preventing or at least restraining the use of military force by one state to impose its determination towards others. As stated in the Pembukaan Undang-Undang Dasa r 1945, Indonesia's national interest is to maintain and protect the state's sovereignty; the territorial integrity of Negara Kesatuan Republik Indonesia; the nation's security and dignity; and actively involved in the establishment of world peace. Derived from that purpose, the strategic interest of national defense is to ensure the achievement of national interests.

The strategic defense interest itself is including permanent strategic interest, urgent strategic interest, and international cooperation in defense area. The permanent strategic interest is to organize all national defenses efforts in order to maintain and protect the state's sovereignty, the territorial integrity of Negara Kesatuan Republik Indonesia, also the nation's security and dignity; from any threat that comes from outside or inside. The urgent strategic interest basically cannot be separated from the permanent strategic interest, to cope with the particular actual security issues, with the priority to deal with non-traditional security issues. And as part of international community, Indonesia cannot escape from relationship with others. Defense cooperation is based on Indonesian foreign relations principles by government's political decisions; and is conducted for the purpose of national defense development, also for the purpose of creating regional and international security stability.

Appraising the threats that Indonesia must face and the interest of national defense, Indonesia's defense policy in entering the 21st century will incorporate the use of defense forces, development of defense power, and international cooperation in defense area. To build the defense power is an inevitable need; urgent security issues will be able to managed if the capacity and capability of defense that is if Tentara Nasional Indonesia (TNI) is in adequate situation. The need to build such armed forces is critical when related to the existing personnel and material condition, with the lack of quality and quantity, while the responsibility ahead will be much more complex and harder. The policy to improve national defense strength, involves consideration of geographical condition; demographic al condition; recourses; social condition; state's financial capability. Improving the national defense strength also inquire technological capability, especially in the A lat Utama Sistem Senjata (Alutsista); the real and potential threat posing the country; and the development of strategic context such as ideological, political, economy and social cultural. ANALYSISOn April 26 Indonesia signed an agreement to buy two Sukhoi Su-27 Flanker interceptor aircraft as well two Su-30 KI fighter-bombers and two M 1-35 helicopters plus spare parts from Russia.

Indonesia has an option to purchase an additional 44 aircraft that would allow it to build four squadrons of 12 planes each. The deal is worth US$197 million, with US$21 million being paid cash and the rest being paid in counter trade of rubber, tea, coffee and palm oil. The purchase will appreciably strengthen the Indonesian air force, which has been badly affected by the US ban on equipment sales. Its existing warplanes are all US-built, and due to a lack of spare parts, only 17 of the 46 are considered airworthy and the rest have been grounded.

The Indonesian Air Force has been operating at only 40 percent of its capacity because of the embargo and the economic crisis. The acuteness of purchasing materiel from Russia is prompted by the necessity to modernize the obsolete air force of Indonesia under the continuing US embargo imposed on materiel purchases. The Su-27, with a range of 3,000 miles, is reputed to be one of the most sophisticated fighter aircraft in the world. General Endriartono Suharto as Indonesia's military chief indicates that this year purchase is only an initial consignment of two long-range Su-27's and two Su-30's, at least another 44 planes would be purchased over the next four years. Ideally, Indonesian air force requires four squadrons of 12 jet fighter planes each, or 48 planes in total. The purchase was not a sudden move, as it matters of fact, because it was well planned.

Initially, Jakarta had been negotiating with Russia to buy new fighter aircraft in 1997, but negotiations fell through after the outbreak of the Asian economic crisis and the overthrow of the Suharto regime in 1998. As a response of United States' military embargo, General Feisal Tanjung, the military chief at that time was sent to Moscow to observe a plan of buying two squadrons of Sukhoi. For the last one and a half year, Indonesian military official had been lobbying the United States' government to revoke its military embargo, but resulted nothing. Indonesia previously even bought Kalashnikov rifles and other military hardware from Russia, although it was nothing of this magnitude.

The regional condition of Asia that is rising from financial and economical crisis, can be mentioned as the reason behind the consideration of enhancing military power, this current trend is shown by a number of state in Asia. Another reason is the situation in Asia Pacific that is still under threats of local or regional conflict, also because fear of the raising potential dominance powers in Asia, namely China and India. From the producer side, this region had become potential market for their military aircraft products. These provide background for such arms race phenomena in the region of Southeast Asia.

In 1999, right after the economical crisis, Thailand bought 25 Alpha Jet aircraft's made by Dassault / Dornier. Meanwhile, Singapore, a small-sized country with solid economic power, continues to build its defense power. During the 1990-s, Singapore purchased new military equipment and held join military aircraft exercise with United States, Australia and France. Singaporean air force also received 42 F-16 C / D aircraft's, 4 Boeing KC-135 tankers, eight Boeing CH-47 SD Chinook helicopters, and 8 AH-64 D Apache helicopters. Those amounts are growing each year, and not representing the proportionality of the state's size.

Subsequently, Malaysia that had recovered from severe damage of economical crisis also enhanced its military power. Last year, Malaysia reached an agreement to order 14 MiG-29 UB aircraft's, and modifying the already operated F-5 E, F / A-18 and Hawk aircraft's. Adding to the two Mi-17 helicopters that were purchased last year, Malaysia plans to buy another 40 including those that would be assembled at Malaysia. Domestically, the need to enhance Indonesia's military capability, in this case especially for the air force, derived from an existing threat to the national security. Geographical constellation of Indonesia made it as a strategic area, as well as for the presence of all kinds of security threats. The threats are ranging from traditional to non-traditional, with the source from inside or outside the country.

Indonesia still has some disputes concerning international boundaries with neighboring countries, such as Malaysia, Papua New Guinea, and Timor Leste. Traditional threat is defined as the possibility of invasion or military aggression from another state, but that is not the only threat that must be dealt with. As enlisted in the white defense paper, Indonesia's concern for possible threat towards the national security is as following. First, the international terrorist network can pose threat by terrorist attacks in domestic scope.

Second, treats come from separatist movement, radical movement and communal conflict that endanger the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Negara Kesatuan Republik Indonesia. Third, there is an awareness of transnational organized crime, including illegal smuggling of arms, explosives, humans and drugs. Fourth, illegal migrants also pose threat to the national security. Next, there are also possible security disturbance in sea or air, such as hijacking and trespassing. Finally, the threat can also come from environmental problems and natural hazard. Those threats are not only endanger the existence of Indonesia as a state, but also to the survival of the citizens.

In order to preserve the state security and also protecting the citizens, Tentara Nasional Indonesia (TNI) as Indonesian military force, has that responsibility. And that task would only be possible to achieve with the support of sufficient military equipment. The grand strategy of national defense to organize all national defenses efforts in order to maintain and protect the state's sovereignty, the territorial integrity of Negara Kesatuan Republik Indonesia, also the nation's security and dignity; from any threat that comes from outside or inside, is put into practice by the use of defense forces, development of defense power, and international cooperation in defense area. The purchase of several military aircraft, as part of a plan to build larger and stronger air force, can be considered as a policy that is according to the grand strategy.

Besides developing defense power, this decision is also a form of cooperation in defense area, specifically with the Russia. Although the strategy of defense in Indonesia includes the development of defense power, there are some obstacles concerning the funding. National development program is still concentrating in economic sector; meanwhile the defense sector is not in the priority list. This can be indicated by the small amount of budget allocated for defense, because for the last 10 years, the defense budgets only account for 1% of Gross Domestic Product (GDP). In 2002, the amount of defense budget is only 12,754.94 billion Rupiahs, that is 0.76% from 1,685,400 billion Rupiahs of GDP, or 3.71% from 344,008.80 billion Rupiahs of Ang garan Pendapatan dan Bel anja Negara (APB N).

For a comparison, most countries in Southeast Asia accounted more than 1% of their GDP, some even accounted 3%-5% of their GDP. The limited defense budget is used for routine spending and development spending, with the comparison about 10: 3. And the fund that is used to purchase military aircraft's in this case is only from that small amount of development spending. Those economical considerations explain why only US$21 million or 12.5% of the transaction value is being paid in cash, while the rest is being paid in counter trade. Indonesia offers 31 sorts of commodities, and up to now Russia has approved to buy 11 sorts of commodities from Indonesia, such as rubber, palm oil, tea, coffee, cocoa, textile and bauxite. Another aspect that this transaction proved is the achievement of bilateral cooperation between Indonesia and Russia in the defense area.

As stated in the Indonesian white defense paper, international cooperation in defense area is one of the objectives that need to be addressed. Even though this agreement concerning the purchase of military aircraft is not the first deal between two countries in arms transfer, but this can be considered as a huge step in military relations. The value of transaction maybe minor, but the effects are significant. If the last thirty years the relationship between Indonesia and Russia has been in distance, particularly because of ideological matter, the end of Cold War has provided the chance to revive cooperation between the two. Indonesia has the commitment to enhance bilateral military cooperation formally in the future, and not just limited in arms selling.

By fulfilling its military equipment needs from Russia, Indonesia had reduced its dependency towards United States. But of course this would not probably happen if United States did not put Indonesia in military embargo, and force Indonesia to look elsewhere for military support. It does not necessary mean that Indonesia is going to turn from United States for good, because efforts are still being conducted to revoke United States' embargo. So far the result is on the re-opening of International Military Education and Training (I MET) program in 2003, but the embargo itself has not been fully withdrawn. But even if United States decide to revoke its embargo, Indonesia's military chief stated that Indonesia have no plan in near future to purchase new fighter aircraft from the United States.

Indonesia's purchase of military aircraft from Russia thus can be seen as an action based on the defense grand strategy. As a response of existing threat, enhancing military capabilities is a rational option to take, even though it is limited by the lack of defense budget. This proves that although defense is not a priority in the budgetary list, state still has to pay some attention and find alternatives to preserve its existence. In Indonesia's case, cash payment problems solved by counter trade system of payment. It is also an inevitable fact, that Indonesia addressed the immediate need for the military to improve its capabilities in the wake of the recent 'arms race' between Malaysia and Singapore, because both countries buying the latest warplanes from the U.S. and France. By making deal with Russia, Indonesia also pursued its strategy in enhancing international military cooperation, and reduced its dependency to United States' military assistance.

IVCONCLUSIONIndonesia will probably be criticized with the 'loss of opportunity' theory, because its small amount of budget is not used to build hospitals, schools or other social development programs. But in the respect of Tentara Nasional Indonesia as the republic's defense guardian, its self-esteem must be enhanced according to its responsibility, by improving the military equipment. Despite the lack of defense budget, Indonesia managed to fulfill its military needs by purchasing several aircraft from Russia, by also using counter-trade instead of just with cash payment. This purchase is planned to be as preliminary acquisition of four squadrons with twelve aircraft's each, so it is really an effort to build Indonesia's military strength. This military aircraft's acquisition is a response toward the threats that is posing the state's sovereignty, the territorial integrity of Negara Kesatuan Republik Indonesia, and also the nation's security and dignity. The threat is no longer considering only military aggression or invasion from another state, but also means of non-traditional threat such as terrorism, trafficking and environmental hazards.

Those threats can come either from outside or inside the country, and it is threatening the very existence of the state itself as well as the security of the citizen. Although non-traditional threat has become the priority, but it does not eliminate the possibility of warfare between states, thus Tentara Nasional Indonesia (TNI) is holding greater responsibilities. An inevitable fact of recent arms race between neighboring countries, namely Malaysia and Singapore, also forced Indonesia to address the immediate need for the military to improve its capabilities. As mentioned before by Daniel S. Papp, military is a measure of national's prestige and regional rivalries also provide the reasons of the desire of states to improve their military forces, which accelerate further the flow of arms to the Developing World states. Therefore, it is likely that Indonesia followed the steps of other Southeast Asian states to enhanced military capabilities by importing military aircraft's. Another dimension of arms selling is the international relationship in defense area, and that is also one of the objectives of Indonesia's defense grand strategy.

By making agreement with Russia concerning the purchase of Russian military aircraft's, Indonesia is paving a path toward formal bilateral military ties between the two. The post-Cold War context, enable both countries to fix the once harmonious relationship between Indonesia and Russia. This also marks the shifting of Indonesian dependency on United States' military assistance, toward another country. United States' imposed military embargo on Indonesia, provide supporting background on this, because Indonesia is starting to turn to Russia to enhance its military capabilities. As a whole, the policy to buy military aircraft's from Russia is considerably an application of Indonesia's defense grand strategy. The driving forces that impose the needs to enhance its military capabilities are the existing threat that had to be dealt with, and also as an impact of recent arms race between neighboring countries.

By pursuing the strategic interest of national defense, Indonesia is further to ensure the achievement of national interests.

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