Law Enforcement And The Hispanic Community example essay topic

Two major periods of immigration influxes since the turn of the century as well as the transformation of the nation due to both illegal and legal immigration have determined large Hispanic communities in many Western states. States like Texas, for example, have struggled to define increasingly complex Hispanic communities and create a response, both in the government and in law enforcement, for addressing the needs of these large Hispanic communities. In recent years, an obvious dichotomous view has come to the forefront of national debates about the composition of Hispanic communities in border states and the conflicts have arisen over immigrant and citizen rights, the rights of the Hispanic Americans community as a whole, the negative correlates attached to cultural and language differences, and the role of law enforcement officers, both of Hispanic and non-Hispanic decent, in addressing these problems. Views of Immigration Though varied communities have existed in cities like El Paso, Pecos, and Rio Del for decades, changes in immigration, both legal and illegal, have impacted the demographic characteristics of a number of West Texas cities and towns and has underscored divisions between predominant White (European American) communities and predominantly Hispanic communities. Large-scale increases in immigration from Latin American countries in Texas in general has gained national attention, but it has also been recognized that cities like El Paso have had a considerable Hispanic community since their founding and this provides a substantial base for the integration of a modern and central Hispanic community. In 1996 alone, 1.2 million legal and illegal immigrants moved into the United States, primarily into urban regions of New York New Jersey, Florida and Illinois, and in urban and rural regions of California and Texas (especially in border cities like El Paso, Peco, Presidio and Rio Del) (Andrews and Knack, 1997).

Of this number, 916,000 individuals were legal arrivals, while over 275,000 illegal immigrants also immigrated to these same regions (Andrews and Knack, 1997). Though immigration limitations have been set and a crack down on illegal immigration has followed suit, it has been recognized that illegal immigration is a definable issue, and has impacted the development and stability of Hispanic communities in states like Texas. It is necessary to recognize that many of the individuals comprising the Hispanic communities in cities of West Texas were not primarily the product of illegal immigration. The immigration history of the United States suggests two primary influxes of Hispanic populations during periods of legal immigration. In 1965, for example, the Immigration and Nationality Act removed federal limits on new immigration and allowed a greater number of relatives of current citizens to enter the United States (Andrews and Knack, 1997).

In 1986, the government opened the system for people who had illegally settled in the United States, increasing the number of once-illegal immigrants who became American citizens (and then were able to sponsor the immigration of additional family members) (Andrews and Knack, 1997). The base of illegal immigrants who came to the United States because of the availability of migrant farm work since the turn of the century, the amnesty program th! at allowed them to attain citizenship, and the secondary introduction of family members defined a large segment of the Hispanic community. In addition to a largely stable Hispanic American community in regions of the state of Texas, there is also a definable segment of the Hispanic community comprised of illegal immigrants, some of whom have connections to the community and others who define both cultural and social differentiations and a dichotomy in the way Hispanic communities are viewed (Harris and Firestone, 1997). One of the popular misconceptions about the nature of Hispanic communities in the Western United States is that they are comprised solely of illegal immigrants, have few long-term community bases, and are defined by populations of working poor. Though demographic representations suggest that Hispanic communities in Texas have a lower than average per-capita income, there is also substantial data that suggests that these communities also have a significant working population and vary significantly in the number of illegal immigrants represented in the population (Harris and Fires! tone, 1997). Changes in legislation in recent years has resulted from emerging national perspectives regarding the role of illegal immigrants in defining the Hispanic communities of a number of urban, suburban and rural regions and views on the impact of illegal immigration on the financial stability of these communities.

But what few could have predicted was that the changes in legislation would also result in a forceful change in the actions taken by law enforcement personnel and that these changes would be shaped by misperception's about the nature of Hispanic communities as a whole. Even with the continued movement of illegal immigrants into the United States, the education, professionalism and economic capacity of the Hispanic communities appear to be one the rise. Even though Hispanic leaders have asserted this as an imperative element in defining their valuation, contrasts between public perceptions of Hispanic culture and their own perceptions have negatively impacted the central view of this ethnic population. One of the most significant views on this issue stems from the response of law enforcement officers. In communities near the border with large populations of Hispanic immigrants, it is not unusual for law enforcement officers to approach Hispanic American citizens, require their identification and question the validity of their documentation.

Though this might not seem like a difficult process, viewing the violence with which Border Patrol agents and law enforcement officers have approached illegal immigrants underscores the kind of threat that exists in the interactions between legal immigrants and law enforcement officers. Although it can be argued that there is a justification for the kind of action taken by law enforcement officers, it can also be asserted that this type of random activity supports the dichotomy that exists between law enforcement and the Hispanic community as a whole, defining a problematic relationship. At the same time, Hispanic communities in border cities like El Paso have asserted their leadership, attained a level of autonomy, and made significant gains in separating themselves from the views that exist regarding illegal immigration and the devaluation of Hispanic communities. Instead, Hispanic leaders in El Paso have pursued the standardization of their Hispanic culture through a process of social integration, by supporting the integration of Hispanic law enforcement officers into to the local ranks, and by attempting to support a positive local view of the Hispanic community as hard working, integrated, supported and culturally rich. Hispanic Law Enforcement Officers and Criminals El Paso, which ranks among the poorest cities in the United States and one with a large Hispanic population, was the subject of a recent study by Holmes (1998), who considered the interaction with law enforcement officials and the claims of possible abuses that occur between police and minority populations. In a study that was based on telephone and personal interviews with a sample of the adult population of El Paso, Holmes (1998) asserted that young, male Hispanics residing in the barrio locale in El Paso were more likely to report having been abused by police officers or having witnessed abusive police practices.

The researcher, having controlled for general beliefs about police brutality and evaluating various types of contact with the police, defines the link between public perceptions of negative interactions and possible biases by police officers to ethnicity (Holmes, 1998). Holmes writes: Moreover, past survey research has shown that a higher proportion of Hispanics than dominant group members believed the police use excessive physical force (Bayley and Mendelsohn, 1968; Maguire, Pastore, and Flanagan, 1993) and that Hispanics more frequently reported having experienced physical abuse (Bayley and Mendelsohn, 1968). Such evidence is suggestive, but lacking statistical controls, the validity of these descriptive analyses remains in question (1998, p. 107). It is Holmes (1998) assertion that the police of modern West Texas evolved out of a specialized force that was charged with controlling the seemingly dangerous class of immigrants and racial minorities as well as the impoverished citizens of cities like El Paso. Further, the function of the police today, though differentiated from its origins, has resulted in a pejorative process of characterization and bias that defines different behaviors relative to the status of individuals relative to class and minority areas (Holmes, 1998). Stereotypes, cynicism, mistrust, suspicion and hostility frequently comprise their working personality, particularly in interactions with young minority males in poor minority neighborhoods (Anderson, 1990; Irwin, 1985; Skol nick and Fyfe, 1993; Stark, 1972; Westley, 1953, 1970; as cited by Holmes, 1998, p. 107).

A number of observational studies of police officers has resulted in the perspective that officers often use abusive language, racial slurs and derogatory treatment when dealing with individuals who are ethnically different from themselves (Holmes, 1998). Further, it can be asserted that attempts to introduce ethnically diverse individuals into the police department has been met with some trepidation, and that there is a clear divide between the ethnicity of the perceived criminal element and the ethnicity of law enforcement officers (Holmes, 1998). Some theorists have asserted that the large degree of police brutality in conjunction with the large Hispanic representation in the police force may come as a result of the perceived necessity for over-compensation. It can be asserted that the Hispanic population currently occupying positions in the police force have perceived the low income and criminal Hispanic population as a threat to their well-being and a threat to the safety of the growing Hispanic middle-class in El Paso (Holmes, 1998). As a result, there is a cultural and social motivation among both Hispanic and Anglo police officers to sanction poor Hispanics harshly and this has been recognized as one of the major elements in supporting increases in interethnic violence between police officers of Hispanic descent and the Hispanic citizenry. Holmes (1998) study is important when considering the interactions between law enforcement and ethnic minorities in regions of West Texas impacted by immigration changes, because the study asserts and supports the contention of the link between brutality by police officials and regional ity, linking the greater level of police abuse to the barrio residents and specific to the characteristics of the border city.

It must be noted that there is a definable problem that crosses ethnicity when dealing with police and law enforcement personnel, and that perceptions of the devaluation of the Hispanic identity, the rising Hispanic middle class, and the issues related to crime, poverty, and barrio communities all impact the capacity of law enforcement officials to effectively address the needs of communities like El Paso. Conclusion The development of the call for immigration reform came as the result of years of speculation about the impacts of illegal immigrants defining urban Hispanic populations, but it also served to fuel the fire for community responses in states like Texas, that critics have suggested have resulted in a negative response to Hispanic community members as a whole. Hispanic leaders have suggested that the widespread response to this legislation has determined a community bias against Hispanic Americans, resulting in inappropriate actions taken by law enforcement officials against American citizens of Hispanic decent. In order to understand the basis for this perspective, it is necessary to recognize the elements of the problem of illegal immigration and the community responses, and then reflect on the role that law enforcement has played in this issue. It is evident that significant changes have occurred over the past century to redefine the Hispanic communities in the modern West, and illegal immigration is perhaps the most prevalent change. Though the United States has prided itself on being a nation comprised almost exclusively of immigrant populations, the inclusionary practices of the government in response to widespread immigration from Mexico and Latin America has created a dichotomy in Hispanic communities.

Present legislation has supported the misrepresentation of stereotypes of Hispanic Americans and illegal immigrants, and have allowed for defenses of activities by border patrol agents that would not be tolerated if enacted against any other population in the United States.

Bibliography

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