Major Developments In Social Policy example essay topic

THE EVOLUTION OF CARIBBEAN SOCIAL POLICY: Reasons for the Changes and Shifts in the Social Policy Agenda From the 1940's to the Present Period. By Hyacinth O. Blake INTRODUCTION Social Policy may be broadly defined as a system of social welfare that includes economic as well as non-economic objectives and involves some measure of progressive redistribution in command over resources 1. Using Mishra's typology of social welfare models (see Fig. 1 below), this paper describes the evolution of social policy in the English-speaking Caribbean. Drawing primarily from the experiences of Trinidad and Tobago and Jamaica, four chronological periods are used to highlight the factors contributing to the major developments in social policy: 1) the Immediate Post-War Period and the Moyne Commission (1940 to 1950); 2) Transition to Self-Government (1950 to 1961); 3) Ideology and the Immediate Post-Independence Period (1962 to 1973); 4) the Oil Crisis, World Recession and Structural Adjustment (1970 to 1980's); 5) (Conclusion) The Present Period (1990 to present) 2. A review of the literature revealed that a combination of social, economic, political / ideological and international factors contributed to policy development at each stage of this evolutionary process. This paper argues that as a result of these factors, Caribbean social policy gradually moved from a strong residual approach prior to the Moyne report, and tended to a more institutional approach during the transition period to full internal self-government, then to a more structural approach in the immediate post-independence period, and back to a residual approach when structural adjustment policies were instituted in the 1980's.

Of course, in reality the policies formulated in the various periods do not conform perfectly to Mishra's types. However, this does not detract from the applicability of the model to the present analysis, as it is an inherent feature of all ideal types (as is implied by the descriptor "ideal"). Also, while the general factors contributing to the evolution of Caribbean social policy has been highlighted, the specific ways in which these factors manifested in each country are extensively discussed. Fig. 1 Mishra's Welfare Models 1 Main Features Type of WelfareResidualInstitutionalStructuralState responsibility in meeting needs (ideology of state intervention) MinimalOptimalTotalNeed-based distribution as a value MarginalSecondaryPrimaryRange of statutory services (other than the Poor Law) LimitedExtensiveComprehensivePopulation covered by statutory services Minority MajorityA evel of benefitsLowMediumHighProportion of national income spent on state servicesLowMediumHighUse of means testPrimarySecondaryMarginalNature of clients Paupers / PoorCitizensMembers of the Collective Status of clients Low MediumHighOrientation of the ServiceCoerciveUtilitarianSolidaristicRole of non-statutory agencies in welfarePrimarySecondaryMarginalTHE POST-WAR PERIOD AND THE MOYNE COMMISSION (1940 to 1961) The West India Royal Commission (1938-1939), commonly referred to as the Moyne Commission, is considered by many to mark the genesis of the statutory social services in the English-Speaking Caribbean. Prior to the report, state social welfare was strongly residual in nature: non-statutory organizations were the primary providers of social services and state involvement when provided, was at a minimal, targeting the neediest in society, and punitive in nature. For example, in Trinidad and Tobago (T&T) and Jamaica, churches were the main providers of education, and this was generally limited to the privileged few (Campbell, 1997; Cumber, 1972).

In Jamaica, privately financed organizations such as Jamaica Welfare Ltd. were the engineers of community development programs. The statutory health services in the Caribbean were myopic in scope; their prime focus being on providing medical relief after illness was detected. Caribbean Poor Relief Programs at the time were punitive in nature: these programs were derivatives of the Elizabethan model which saw the poor as lazy and ready to live as parasites on the community, thus, all but the old, too young, or too ill to work were forced to labor for the meager relief they received (Cumper, p. 65, Danns and Scott, 1987). This approach to social welfare is not surprising, given as Mac Pherson (1982: 45) notes, that " (t) he imperative of colonial policy and administration was the creation and maintenance of conditions suitable for the economic interests of the metropolitan countries".

The Moyne Report, presented to the British Parliament in 1945, exposed the abhorrent social conditions in the Caribbean, and its recommendations informed the new development outlook that ensued in the immediate post-war period. As a result of the Commission's report, "the first Colonial Development and Welfare [C.D. &W.] Act was passed in 1940, granting 5,000,000 pounds a year for the next ten years for social and economic development in the colonies and another 500,000 pounds for research" (Sinha, p. 125). The expansion of educational programs in T&T to include adults (Campbell, p. 21), and direct government involvement in community development programs in Jamaica (Cumper, p. 108) are some of the improvements in social welfare provision initiated by the C.D. &W Act. It is important however to underscore the factors leading to the report so that a comprehensive picture of the factors contributing to policy change initiated in this period can be achieved.

The report was commissioned as a direct response to extensive social unrest in the British West Indies. The unrest was a reaction against the deplorable social conditions that existed, and was fuel led by trade unionism that developed at this time, and fanned by information transfer of radical thought (e.g. from the Garvey movement) made possible by developments in information and transportation technology during the war period. The impact of the Human Rights Movement on political ideology also partially explains the receptivity of the colonial authorities to the recommendations of the Commission. A more significant shift towards an institutional approach to welfare provision by the government occurred during the transition period from colonial government to self-government. TRANSITION TO SELF-GOVERNMENT (1950's to 1961) Despite the efforts of colonial authorities to extend government provision of social services in the Caribbean, they were limited in their ability to implement recommendations. For instance, Campbell (p. 21) notes that local authorities refused to fully implement plans for the expansion of education in T&T. Recommendations were at times completely ignored, or, as in the case with provision of education for adults, was done in a piecemeal fashion.

The absence of adequate funding also curtailed efforts to expand social services 3. However, the transition to a government comprised of elected representatives in the 1950's, coupled with improved economic conditions in some Caribbean countries during this time, countered these problems to a large extent. The range of statutory services was more extensive, services more utilitarian, and services adopted a more "citizen" approach. Generally, social services when compared to other periods conformed more to an institutional approach to welfare (see Fig. 1 above).

The newly elected government representatives of the 1950's in T&T and Jamaica, driven by the nationalist sentiment prevalent at the time, which promoted the cause of the black majority, adopted an extensive approach to the provision of aid and welfare to the poorer classes. In T&T, the PNM (People's National Movement) government, under the leadership of Dr. Eric Williams, widened access to secondary education via the Common Entrance Examination (CEE), and free secondary education was instituted from 1961 (Campbell, p. 71) 4. In Jamaica, the government financed a number of free places in existing secondary schools and a number of new secondary schools were built. Stone (1989: 22) emphasized that the rapid growth and diversification of the Jamaican economy facilitated the expansion of social services for the poor 5.

Though there was an expansion of the economy in T&T in this period as well (in the area of light manufacturing), the positive impact of the economic on the social was particularly significant during the oil boom. The improvements in social service provision were by no means an exclusively altruistic act by the political parties in power at the time. The expansion was obviously part of political strategy by the newly elected government to enhance popularity in the face of what Campbell describes as "the revolution of rising expectations" among the populace. Thus, some of the policy developments were more a spontaneous response to increased demand for social services than the result of planning.

In Trinidad for example, no enrollment targets were set despite extensive educational expansion. IDEOLOGY & THE IMMEDIATE POST-INDEPENDENCE PERIOD (1962 to 1973) The impact of ideology on social policy development was strongly evident in this period. Again, adverse social conditions resulting from inadequate economic policy, led to social unrest that had significant political and policy implications. The economic policy of Caribbean governments from the 1950's to this period, was largely informed by Arthur Lewis' "Industrialization by Invitation" model. The main premise of this model was as follows: the private sector would be lead the economy, and, once the country attracted sufficient foreign capital (by tax holidays and the provision of infrastructure), economic development, supplemented by community development efforts from below, trade-unions (cautiously) securing re-distribution of income to wage earners, and government providing improved social services through taxation (Robothom, p. 2). However, despite the significant improvements in GDP, inequity still prevailed 6.

It is only logical to suppose that this dissatisfaction ultimately resulted in the displacement of the PNP (People's National Party) for the JLP (Jamaica Labor Party) at Independence. This change is significant as it highlights the impact of the economic on the social, the social on politics, and politics on the evolution of social policy. The JLP introduced an active policy emphasis on housing and urban expansion, which was pursued during their two terms (1962 to 1971). The PNP continued this process when they came in power in 1972.

Again, it is reasonable to suppose that this change was reflective of widespread dissatisfaction for the inequitable social conditions that still persisted. This was by no means an aberrant trend as there were no significant alterations to the economic model pursued by the previous regime. The leftist sentiment that pervaded this period further inflamed this situation, which culminated in the Black Power demonstrations in the late 1960's and the February revolution in 1970 in T&T. In Jamaica, the Rodney Riots took place in 1968. This upsurge in revolutionary movements was partly influenced by the increased black consciousness that arose out of the civil rights movements in the United States. In T&T the Black Power Revolution led to a new policy focus on youth (Campbell, p. 107). From 1970, a new tax, the 5% unemployment levy, enabled the government to mount courses at the assistant craftsman level in trade training centers.

The Ministry of Agriculture also organized four Youth Camps for boys in which agricultural skills were imparted. Following the Rodney Riots in Jamaica, the PNP led by Michael Manley came into power in 1972. Democratic Socialism was the working ideology of this party as was clearly reflected in their social policy framework. Social service provision expanded rapidly in Jamaica during this period. The welfare state conformed more to a structural model (see Fig. 1) than at any other period as a result of this. An island wide campaign to eradicate illiteracy was initiated during this period of PNP rule, and free education up to the tertiary level was provided to all eligible citizens (Levitt, 1991).

Housing, health and other social services were expanded and important legislation protecting children and mothers was passed (Robothom, p. 4). Unlike Jamaica, the shift to a more structural approach to state welfare provision in T&T was primarily the result of a significant increase in economic fortunes in the period discussed below than to the political factor. This argument is based on the fact that the PNM was in power since the 1950's but the significant shift in welfare provision occurred during the oil boom. Of course, the "state-capitalist" approach promoted by Dr. Eric Williams was a significant complementary factor to the economic. THE OIL CRISIS, WORLD RECESSION, AND STRUCTURAL ADJUSTMENT (1973 to 1980's) The impact of globalization and international influences on the evolution of Caribbean social policy was particularly evident in this period.

Oil prices skyrocketed in 1973, to the benefit of the few oil producing countries such as T&T, but generally having negative effects on the economies of most nations of the world, Jamaica being a case in point. The rise in oil prices provided the much needed resources for the fulfillment of the governments desire to increase the provision of social services, especially in the area of education. Whereas in 1972, the T&T government had to take a loan from the Inter American Bank (IDB) to construct vocational and farm schools (Campbell, p. 118), during the "oil boom years", the country had enough resources to fund the expansion of social services. This included the provision of cooked lunches to primary school children (Henry and Mode sire, p. 133) and the construction of a number of secondary schools. In 1974, TT $121.6 million was spent on education only: 11 new Junior Secondary Schools were constructed in 1974, 16 in 1975 and 22 by 1979 (Campbell, 1997). But, international lending was critical to the fulfillment of the expansionary objectives of the "Socialist" Jamaican government.

Levitt (1991) notes that it was external Eurodollar borrowing that helped to maintain the appearance of normalcy in Jamaica during this period. This lending was all part of the international development drive that existed during the 1960's and 1970's, characterized by ease of access of Developing countries to development finance: the More Developed Countries saw this provision and the general development focus as a means of preventing the newly independent nations from embracing a Communist system of government. World recession created by the oil crisis and the rise of New Right philosophies internationally (i.e. Raeganism and Thatcher ism) put an end to this "generosity", as well as the collapse of Communism and the end of the Cold War. What followed were Structural Adjustment Policies (SAPs) with its residual approach to the provision of social services. Grounded in the tenets of neoliberalism, the market was ascribed preeminence relative to the social: social services were considered mere epiphenomena relative to the economic.

Caribbean governments, inclusive of T&T after the oil boom in 1978, reeling in the wake of decreased prices for raw- materials, which were central to their economic survival, sought international aid with the associated demands of SAPs. Spending on all social services was sharply reduced (e.g. health, education, housing, social security), and increased unemployment as a result of public sector cuts e.g. through direct retrenchment or through programs such as VTE P (Voluntary Termination of Employment Program) made social conditions difficult resulting in an increase in the size and intensity of poverty increased over the decade (Levitt, 1991; Neil, 1992). Social policies were generally designed to address the needs of the poorest in society as is reflected in Jamaica's National Poverty Reduction Strategy or, in social programs such as ECHO (Each Community Helping Out) in Trinidad. Targeting was a central tenet of such policy programs. Despite the cuts in social expenditure new programs were developed to address the extensive dislocation arising out of this period.

In T&T for example, new programs with an emphasis on training for employment or self-employment were designed to target youth, such as YEPP (Youth Training and Employment Partnership Programme) and YESS (Youth Employment Support System). Nonetheless, social policy in the Caribbean closely fit the residual approach at this time. CONCLUSION - 1990 to Present The negative social impact of structural adjustment policies has led to a renewed awareness in the present period of the need to balance economic growth with social development. This is explicitly evident in the literature of international organizations such as the Poverty Reduction Handbook of the World Bank (1992) which states that "Sustainable poverty reduction is the overarching objective of the World Bank" and in their Conference Themes.

As Thomas (1997) notes, the three themes of the World Summit on Social Development: reducing and eliminating widespread poverty; increasing productive employment and reducing unemployment; and social integration "has helped place social development to the forefront of international and national concerns" (p. 20). It is not surprising that this changed policy perspective is reflected in Caribbean discourse given the relationship between these international institutions and Caribbean nations. Girvan (1997: 2) notes that " (t) here was a strong consensus among participants [at the Caribbean Symposium on Social Development (1995) ] that social development concerns need to be placed at the center of the public agenda in the Caribbean region". This realization is welcome given the dire consequences that result when the balance between the economic and the social is not achieved, a fact clearly evident from this assessment of the development of social policy since the 1940's. It is only hoped that this realization is consistently expressed in social policy development and implementation from henceforth, not remaining at the level of rhetoric, so that a new clich'e can be used to refer to policy developments i.e. that we do indeed learn from history.

END NOTES 1 Mishra, p. 101 in "Society and Social Policy". 1 This definition was derived from Titmuss' discussion on "What is Social Policy" in his book Social Policy: an introduction. 2 The years associated with each period vary slightly throughout the English-speaking Caribbean. For example, the larger territories (Jamaica, T&T, Barbados, and Guyana) acquired self-government in the 1950's, and independence in the early 1960's, while the smaller territories acquired internal self-government in the mid-1960's (Sinha, p. 128).

3 In T&T the local authorities were unwilling to spend money from government funds for the expansion of educational services and only applied money from the C.D. &W. grant in a cursory manner to improving adult education. Sinha (p. 127) identifies inadequate funding as a main deterrent to the implementation of plans for the improvement of the health services in the Caribbean as a whole. 4 The CEE was designed to select a larger number of students for secondary education (i.e. those who would benefit from it), as opposed to the College Exhibition exam, which it replaced, that selected only a few "bright" students. 5 "Jamaica with a 6.5 per cent growth rate had the highest rate of per capita GDP growth between 1950 and 1960 in the Caribbean and Latin American Region" (Stone, p. 22).

6 Thus, while there was a significant increase in social service provision, this expansion was limited in large part by the economic policy pursued. It is because of this socio-economic combination that the author categorizes the second period (1950's to 1961) as conforming more to an institutional rather than a residual or structural welfare model.

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