Male Teens Folb example essay topic
Brothers, pass in' away, I gotta' make wakes. Receivin' all types of calls from upstate. 'Yo, I can't cope with the pressure. Settlin' for lesser. The god left lessons on my dresser (Wu-Tang Clan 1993).
For many, the ghetto mentality revolves heavily around the principles of every man / woman for him / herself. Due to the fact that everyone is in a very poor economic situation, there is an understandably universal striving for something better. This philosophy is a critical aspect of the horrors of the ghetto, and it directly contradicts the impression of the well-adhered figurative 'black family'. One of Folb's most intimate subjects described the phenomena to her one night over a glass of wine. 'Like the Golden Rule say, 'Do onto others like they do you' else 'Do onto others before they do you'...
'Do onto others, den split!' ' (Folb 1980: 70). This manipulation of others must not necessarily be hostile or antagonistic, but it often may be. Taking advantage of another human being, be it physically, mentally, emotionally, or financially, can serve as a tremendous source of power for the black teens of the inner city. ' [The] vernacular expressions to game someone or to run a game on someone - to outwit, outsmart, or outdo another - convey the sense of contest and the power plays implicit in much teenage behavior' (Folb 1980: 71).
Folb is quick to point out that the word power holds many meanings. It could mean the ability to perform or produce, or it could mean the ability to control or direct others on an interpersonal level. In a capitalistic society, power is money and the control of property. Power might also refer to the control of human beings, be it governance of other people's physical, psychological, or emotional well-being or the maintenance of one's own self-control (Folb 1980: 72). This emphasis on greater power forms the basis of gang activity.
The teens in South Central know where they may and may not venture, who they may or may not speak to or about, and even what types of clothes that they may or may not wear. There was a time in the South Central region where people were being shot or stabbed at an alarming rate for wearing the wrong colours in the wrong neighbourhood. Folb refers to each person's struggle for a better personal image, or 'style', on page 109 of running' down some lines under the subtitle 'The Professional Game'. South Central Los Angeles' emphasis on dress, transportation, and sexual prowess in is superior to nearly anywhere else in America. 'Where middle-class status, occupation, or office remain largely inaccessible and illusory, the mark of a person, particularly a young man, is what he is, his self and the extensions of that self' (Folb 1980: 117).
This is why the pimp is a ghetto folk hero; for he embodies all of the qualities that the poor young black male desires. The pimp has cash, cars, clothes and, of course, plenty of women. Me give my heart to a woman? Not for nothing', never happen.
I'll be forever mack in'. Heart cold as assassins, I got no passion. I 'got no patience, and I hate wait in'... (Jay-Z 2000). The ability of a black teenage male in South Central to either pursue or attract, then control as many females as possible is a big part of his image. The same competitive atmosphere that surrounds the male's interaction with his peers exists when playing the male-female game.
However, the addition of a female presence makes the '... game... decidedly sexual in nature. And this sexuality introduces into the game a unique cutting edge, a special electric tension that often accompanies the polarized state between male and female - regardless of culture, geography, or class' (Folb 1980: 132). From her fieldwork, Folb learned that most of the teenage male-female relationships she encountered involved a certain degree of exploitation. She also noticed that both men and women are often evaluated by the opposite sex based on their economic potential as well as their sexual accessibility (Folb 1980: 133). This gold-digging mentality could be seen as an effort to shorten the road to self-improvement. As one of the male teens Folb spoke to puts it, 'I'm gett in' a Cadillac.
A Woman's gonna' put me in one' (Folb 1980: 133). Neither marriage nor love is held in very high regard amongst those teens in South Central who spoke with Folb. 'Many saw marriage as a form of incarceration... A vernacular phrase popular with both sexes - you don't have papers on me - is expressive of much teenage reaction to marriage' (Folb 1980: 136). To be in love is to be 'on a tight leash' or 'a turkey on a string'.
Therefore, amongst the teens interviewed, all were very much in favour of entering into sexual relationships with members of the opposite sex, but thoughts of love and marriage conjured up images of well-trained, restrained animals. Check it, my weed smoke is my lye. A ki' of coke is a pie. When I'm lifted, I'm high. With new clothes on, I'm fly (Big L 1998). In the book's fifth chapter, Folb turns her attention to the discussion of drugs, which she calls 'one of the largest single areas of teenage concern' (Folb 1980: 166).
Drugs are not an issue restricted to black teens, however, the urban centers tend to bring them to the attention of children of a younger age. Sadly, when dealing with the restrictive, oppressive atmosphere of the ghetto, drug use is expected. Drugs serve as an escape from the persistent struggle and an opportunity for emotional release (Folb 1980: 188). Barbiturates and amphetamines are commonplace and are blessed with so many different names that those who deal them may have accidentally created a dialect of English all their own.
Folb points out on page 167 that they can be referred to in terms of the state they leave one in, as in 'downers', 'stumblers', or 'fender benders', or according to the colour of the drug itself, such as 'blue angels', 'yellow jackets', and 'christmas trees'. ' The most popular and widely used substance among black teenagers is marijuana' (Folb 1980: 169). Marijuana carries with it a great variety of titles, many of which are well known outside the streets of South Central. Great attention is paid to the type of marijuana in question, with 'catnip' being a last resort and 'Nam black' promising the ultimate high (Folb 1980: 170). Cocaine and heroin have both acquired a few nicknames of their own, but their use and availability are much lesser when compared to the staggering prominence of marijuana and pills. Folb suggests that this could have more to do with the far greater price paid for hard drugs than the teenagers' disinclination to further destroy their bodies and minds.
Liquor is always a popular choice amongst North American teenagers, and this holds true for those living in South Central. The liquor store itself has a number of vernacular names. 'Juice house', 'rescue station', and 'filling station' are just a few of those listed on page 187 of running' down some lines. Those able to acquire specialty wines find themselves in a class between those drinking cheap wine, or 'sixteen-year-old after shave', and those upperclassmen who have moved on to scotch. Folb assures us that 'language will continue to chronicle [the changes in times and morals] and the expressions that characterize drug use, for grown-ups as well as young people' (Folb 1980: 188). Edith A. Folb makes a valid point of the insight into a culture provided by the language used therein.
While running' down some lines might be too simplistic for serious linguists and urban anthropologists, and at times too specific for the layman, it does make for an overall pleasurable read. 'It is through the use of language that we come to learn about the intricate and often conflicting pressures that influence the growth, development, and social perceptions of Inner City youths' (Baugh 1981: 477-478). Instead of always trying to find new ways to describe culture, perhaps we should take some time just to listen to it. Careful attention to how a group speaks reveals how that group thinks and feels. There is power in words.