Mennonites In Russia example essay topic

Abstract The history of Mennonites in Manitoba, part of a larger, North American group of Mennonites, is closely linked with their past in other countries. What is examined in this paper is the link between these histories - a period of emigration in the late 19th century, from Russia to Canada and the United States. The investigation is into the true causes of this emigration, and why other Mennonites of Russia chose not to leave. Many possible causes are examined, and among them are religious and moral concerns, a growing problem of landlessness in Southern Russia, control of education, and a the possibility of entering into a favourable agreement with the Canadian government. Each of these causes represent changes from another time in Russia, when the Mennonites had a different agreement with the Russian monarchy which guaranteed certain freedoms and privileges. The Mennonites who chose to stay in Russia have their own perception of each of these causes.

Evaluation of these causes leads to conclusions about the distinction between the two groups of Mennonites, with those departing holding a more conservative view of their faith and of the way Mennonites should strive to live. On a large scale, the Mennonites' immigration to Canada is seen as the result of a 'push and pull' effect, with undesired changes by the Russian government providing the push, and the actions of Canadian officials providing the pull. Body Immigration, even mass immigration, are part of our history and it is not terribly significant that a group would chose to immigrate. However, these immigrations are distinguished by the circumstances which surround them. The circumstances of a particular group of Mennonites, that which chose to leave Russia and settle in Southern Manitoba between the years 1874 and 1880, are in themselves quite unique.

It could be said that this group follows a path entirely of its own in that regard. As deeply religious people, the moral and spiritual values which they held would have to have been considered in any important decision which affected the lives of the Mennonites. Therefore it is of some importance to have a certain understanding of their basic beliefs and principles. The Mennonites are Anabaptists, a Christian group which believed that people should live. ".. by the teachings of Christ and an ethos of love and community". (1) The fundamental components of their faith which separated them from other Christian denominations at the time were their belief in adult baptism, and their passivism (which entailed a complete and utter rejection of war). This rejection of war is rationalise d by an early Anabaptist, Menno Simons, in that "true Christians do not know vengeance, no matter how they are mistreated".

(2) This early anabaptist, the namesake for the Mennonites, was a former Catholic priest, born in 1496. Although most of the early Anabaptists originated in Switzerland, persecution forced them to flee, following a path which would include a stay in the Netherlands and Northern Germany (Prussia). Later, in the late 18th century, a group of Mennonites were invited by the tsar to settle and farm in South Russia. Some descendants of these would make up most of those who would leave for North America not more than a century later, a large number of which would choose Southern Manitoba, in Canada, as their destination. The question becomes clear: what motivation could be so strong so as to cause a large number of people to uproot themselves, and why did other Mennonites of the same region remain? What distinction can be found between them?

Clearly, arrangements made previously by the Russian government had much to do with the Mennonites being in that part of the world, so it therefore must be asked what changes were made to inspire the Mennonites to take their leave of that land, and what convinced them so strongly that a new life in Canada was the one for them. essaybank. co. uk It should become evident that the movement of Mennonites during the period of 1874-1880 from Russia to the farmland of Southern Manitoba, arises from a multiplicity of causes. Reform by the Russian government, coupled with a receptive Canadian government were motives for the exodus, which was carried out by a group which no longer felt they could continue living in Russia. Answering two separate invitations from Tsarina Catherine II, in 1762 and 1763 (3), to anyone, with the exception of Jews, to settle in South Russia, was a group of Prussian Mennonites, who made the move in 1789, forming the Chortitza colony. Although the invitations, which included favourable conditions and offers of land, were open to all immigrants with the aforementioned exception, special conditions were offered the Mennonites on the basis of their faith. A confirmation of this agreement was issued by Tsar Paul 1 in 1800.

A translation of this document lists several key exemptions granted to the Mennonites, specifically from swearing oaths and from any military service. (4) Some administrative autonomy was also granted, which would mean that the Mennonite "colonies" would develop virtually independent of the Russian authorities. In essence, a religious freedom not offered elsewhere was held out for them, and the Mennonites actively pursued this opportunity. Tsar Paul's letter lists 10 "additional advantages" which would be offered to the Mennonites, the first of which reads "We confirm the religious freedom which was promised to them and their descendants so that they might practise unhindered their tenets and customs". More importantly, however, in Article 6 of the privilegium, it was assured, with "royal word", that. ".. no Mennonite... will at any time be forced to do military or civil service without their own wish to do so". Having been granted such privileges, including the "right of ownership" of their land, rather than being chained to serfdom as most Russian farmers were, many Mennonite communities were able to flourish, with little Russian influence in religious or economic domains. w wgc gcc esgcgcs agc gcb a ngc k cgc gc uk.

The policy which brought this independence to an end, and also terminated many of the old privileges, was implemented in the latter half of the 19th century. Known both as Russification and Russianization, this policy would have "military exemption replaced with universal military training" and have Russian "replace German as the official language of instruction in the schools" (5) (representing a loss of autonomy in control of schools), among other things. No longer did the "royal word" which promised the Mennonites the exemptions which they enjoyed hold true. The reforms introduced would also curb most of the privileges which the Mennonites had enjoyed, including an existence relatively isolated from their Slavic neighbours. Evidently, given the moral values of the Mennonites and their church, this policy of assimilation was unacceptable. Some even believed that this was a plan by their enemy, Satan, to acquire new brethren.

Gerhard Wiebe, an Aeltesten or bishop of the Bergthal Colony, writes: "Now the time had come when the enemy could prepare to attack the sleepy ones or pull them into his net, for the government had observed us closely for several years, and suddenly it was announced that the Mennonite must participate in state service". (6) Although the objectivity of such a statement could be quite limited, it reflects nonetheless a truth: that many Mennonites had begun to distrust the Russian government which had begun to assume more powers over them. wwf gw esgfgfs agf gba ngf k cgf gf uk. The mandatory military service was the most contentious part of the policy of Russification, so some other solution was sought. A compromise was offered the Mennonites, appealing enough that roughly two thirds chose to remain in Russia. It came in the form of alternative service, on noncombatant lines. In fact, work to be performed was outlined Section 157 of the new military law would have that noncombatants should serve in forestry or medical work during war times.

(7) (Although the Russians seemed to be upholding the Mennonites' freedom from military service, this alternative service did represent a departure from the assertion that they would not be "forced to do military or civil service" against their will.) Considering their passivism and rejection of war, a value judgement would have arisen here: even though they were acting peacefully, was it right for the Mennonites to be participating nonetheless in the war effort? Those who left, numbering over seventeen thousand (8), might then be considered more staunchly adherent to their faith or, in essence, a more conservative group then that which was left behind. wwca caw esc bcbs ayca caba ncb kcca cauk! As exemption was not the sole privilege removed by the newly implemented policies, in can not be the sole reason for the departure of so many people. Since the Mennonites had been invited to Russia on the claim that land would be available to them, it is somewhat ironic that landlessness would become a cause of their departure. Yet, due to the nature of the agreements into which they had entered, this became the case. Land was originally allotted through a contract which allowed for one farm per family This land could not be subdivided.

The deed could be passed down from father to son, but due to the large size of some Mennonite families, many young men were left out of the loop. They were either forced to buy up new tracts of land, or become labourers within the colonies. And colonies they were; for the Mennonites lived in isolation from most Russian serfs. In fact, official word was handed down that "they were not to become too intimate with the neighbouring serfs". (9) And although several daughter colonies were established, among them the Bergthal colony which emigrated en masse to Canada (10), few Mennonites would choose to live among the Russian peasantry, a solution which would have allowed for more land to be occupied by the Mennonites.

In a sense, a choice was made and most chose community over prosperity. The landless problem was great enough that by the time the first immigrants had left for Manitoba in 1874, approximately two-thirds of the families in South Russia were without land. (11) wwca caw escacas ayca caba nca kcca cauk. Also, the administrative autonomy the Mennonites had been granted, a privilege which amounted basically to independent 'village-states', was to be thrown out, and local Russian officials were to rule in its stead. Where once they had been able to govern themselves, they now "became a rather insignificant minority in the zemstvos, the major bodies of local self-government". (12) This had come about somewhat gradually, following the liberation of Russian serfs in 1861.

These became peasants, not unlike the Mennonites (officially Crown peasants). As the Russian peasants could no longer be considered lower than themselves since they had the prospects of owning land, the move towards more equality among Russian subjects now would seem almost inevitable. The reliance which the Mennonites had on the continuation of their privileges might in retrospect seem unwise. The dominant intellectual movements of the time were such that a system which the Mennonites enjoyed should not be likely to continue: Russian Liberalism, which "followed Western liberal and democratic ideals about the rights of man to individual freedom" (13) and the Slavophile, nationalist Russians, who wished to preserve their national institutions and rid their nation of foreign influences. Both of these had come near to the point where they made up an irresistible force.

Russia could no longer be governed in away in which foreigners were the recipients of privileges which other Russian citizens could not enjoy, and changes were made. The inevitability of the Mennonites' displeasure with the results can not be discounted as a cause for their departure. VnuBmb Visit essaybank aa co aa uk aa for more aa Do not aa redistribute VnuBmb If one is to consider briefly the circumstances to which the Mennonites had grown accustomed, it should come as no surprise that they should not be eagerly accepting of a policy which would have them assimilated with the general population. The advantages they enjoyed were considerable; the Russian government even went so far as to "forbid the outsiders to build inns, taverns and other public houses... without [the Mennonites'] permission". (14) Those who could not bear the new conditions would seek an arrangement similar to that which they had been granted by Catherine II (and affirmed by Tsar Paul) as a guarantee for their arrival in Canada. Again they would build an existence which, due to the privileges they enjoyed, was an isolated one; an existence which would be rendered vulnerable by any sudden shift in government policy in regards to the Mennonites.

It was not entirely by Mennonite design that their people should enter into what amounted to contracts whereby religious freedom was guaranteed, granted in exchange for the performance of certain duties by them. The Canadian government needed desperately settlers who would build homesteads in the western provinces. At the time, the Mennonites had gained a reputation for their pioneering ability, being able to respond to adverse conditions (like those which one might encounter near the Black Sea in the Ukraine, for example). Such it was that the Canadian government thought it wise to delegate an immigration agent, William Hespeler (1830-1921), who had been given a "special assignment of recruiting or assisting German-speaking immigrants from Eastern Europe" (15), as he was himself a recent German immigrant. First contact with the Mennonites led him to engage in what is described by Adolf Ens as "energetic wooing" (16) of that group, with the goal of having them settle in Western Canada, in the new province of Manitoba (which had entered the Canadian confederation only four years previous to the first major wave of Mennonite immigrants in 1874). Other than causing somewhat of a stir among Russian officials, this had the effect of enticing several groups of Mennonites to choose Southern Manitoba as their destination (approximately 8 000 of the 17 000 who came to North America during the period in question did in fact settle in Manitoba).

In fact, during these early years in Canada, Mennonites constituted over half the population of Manitoba. (17) wwd f dfw esdfdfs adf dfb a ndf k cdf d fuk! The negotiations between the Mennonites and the Canadian government would lead to the following arrangement: eight townships were to be set aside, for "exclusive use of the Mennonites" of which a quarter section of land (160 acres) was allotted to "Any person who is the head of a family or has attained the age of 21 years" as provided for in the Dominion Land Act. An exclusive agreement was offered to the Mennonites which included "the right to purchase the remaining three-fourths of the section at One Dollar per acre".

If demand should outstrip the availability of land, further townships should be set aside. This is the extent of the land privileges granted exclusively to this group of immigrants. (18) These along with privileges of freedom of religion and education, and "an entire exemption from military service... by Law and Order in Council granted to the denominations of Christians called Mennonites" were outlined in a letter from the Canadian Secretary for the Department of Agriculture, John Lowe, to the Mennonite Delegates from Southern Russia. This letter was regarded by Mennonites "as their Magna Carta" (19) but in fact, was kept a state secret until 45 years later, during which time a report issued by the Minister of Agriculture, J.H. Pope, which was slightly different in wording from Lowe's letter, served as the government's standard. This discrepancy would later be the cause of conflict between the Mennonites and the government, each believing they were in the right because of the agreements which they thought accurate under the law. ww be be esbebes ay be be ba be kc be be uk; No matter what the land arrangements were, Mennonite leaders were mainly interested in being able to practice their religion, be free from military service and have their children instructed in religion, with classes in German. One must then evaluate whether these freedoms were attained in order to determine the success of the Mennonites' immigration.

Freedom of religion was never threatened, nor was the military exemption ever in doubt during the first decades of Mennonite settlement in Southern Manitoba, but a question arose over the schools. The Mennonite schools were receiving funds from the Protestant School Boards in the province, and examinations of the teachers were held. This may not seem untoward; it does in fact appear to be entirely logical, a decision taken without malice towards the Mennonites. Yet some of these took offense to the examinations, fearing it would lead to a system of education that would not be to their liking.

In the words of Gerhard Wiebe, an early Mennonite pioneer, "It did not take long until we realized where matters were leading and we speedily withdrew and accepted no more funds". (20) This man no doubt had a more than healthy bias on these matters because, as a leader, he must sound an alarm to his people so they might understand what is occurring, but to the Mennonites, his concern seemed valid. The Mennonites did in fact begin to refuse funding, so they would be under no responsibility to the boards and the government as it pertained to education. By the very nature of the agreements the Mennonites signed, they did indeed become vulnerable, not necessarily to a shift in the governing structure but simply vulnerable to a policy of which they were not aware. As a final note, there is some irony in the situation of these early 'Canadian' Mennonites.

Because they were unwilling or unable to accept reform in Russia under Tsar Nicolas I, they might be considered of a somewhat more conservative nature than others, both in beliefs and practice. But upon arrival, due to the relative scarcity of population, they assumed roles both in business with other communities, often with non-Mennonites - many, in fact, became "quite comfortable dealing with... various cultural groups such as the Anglo-Saxons and French" (21) - and in government, positions which would be considered far more worldly than the simple farmers which most of them were accustomed to being. They left Russia, fearing assimilation and the loss of their relative isolation, even fearing that they might expose "their young men to evil influences" (22) if an alternative to military conscription were implemented (they would be not be within the control of their community), yet upon arrival in a new land, some were forced into positions which were far more worldly, into dealings quite unlike anything they would have imagined during their one hundred year sojourn on the steppes of Southern Russia. This should serve as proof that the Mennonites were motivated more by their own religious principles than any elitist view that they were wholly deserving of having communities unto themselves. Considering that a desire for isolation can not have been a great desire for the Mennonites, other causes must be determined.

There are circumstances which might be considered universal, which can apply to any mass immigration. When the prospects of continuing one's way of life as desired are no longer promising, if in fact there appear to be no such prospects at all, a group may choose to immigrate. Nothing less than this should be significant enough to catalyst such large actions, of grave importance. What else is great enough to overcome the tremendous social upheaval and practical difficulty of such a migration? No singular cause would be enough to motivate the Mennonites to uproot themselves.

That decision could only have come with the realisation that the way of life which they desired could no longer be pursued under the conditions which they now faced in Russia. These conditions included the withdrawal of their exemption from military service, less independence in matters of education and government, and a growing problem of landlessness among the second and third generations of Russian Mennonites. But because such a large portion stayed behind, one must conclude that the way of life of the remaining group was different enough from those who departed. The distinction between the departing Mennonites and the non-migrants is revealed when each major cause for departure is analysed. The first distinction is a theological one. It is accepted that Anabaptists, and Mennonites in particular, are entirely opposed to the act of war.

However, the issue is muddied when, instead of being forced into full-fledged military service, the Mennonites were offered the prospect of civic duty during times of war. The departing Mennonites did not accept this alternative. Rather, these new terms were offensive enough that many began to see their departure "as a divinely inspired exodus". (23) It could therefore be concluded that they held a more conservative ideology than the Mennonites who remained. This conservative nature could well have been born out of the relative isolation the Mennonites were able to enjoy.

This same conservative nature explains the offense certain Mennonites took to the replacement of German in the schools by Russian. The migrants would not have such a drastic change, which represented a loss of control over the education of their children as much as it was a shift away from their traditional language and culture. Resisting a change such as that would have been natural for a conservative group for whom the Russian language and culture was completely foreign. Those who had been more exposed to the language and culture would not have resisted as much, and this is probably the case with the non-migrating Mennonites. wwea eaw eseaeas ayea eaba nea kcea eauk. Similarly, the problem of landlessness could not have so greatly affected the Russian Mennonites who chose to remain Russian.

This follows logically as a product of being less conservative and more exposed to their Russian neighbours. The largely agrarian farming villages or colonies in which the Mennonites lived were not well-suited to large-scale prosperity, as long as they maintained their relative isolation. However, as certain Mennonite communities opened themselves to commerce with their neighbours, the relative wealth of these communities also increased. The problem of a lack of land, with money, is easily solved. The purchase of more land would not have caused nearly as much difficulty for this group as for the other, poorer Mennonites who could not face the landless issue for very long, and were therefore forced to pursue residence elsewhere. As mercurial as were the Tsars during the dynasties of the 18th and 19th centuries, it was inevitable that the favourable arrangement which the Mennonites enjoyed should at some point or another come to an end.

Because the Mennonites so heavily relied upon the agreements which guaranteed their stay in Russia, it is no great surprise that a departure from the terms of these agreements would force many to leave. Their faith in these agreements was quite strong, not unlike the faith of the selfsame people where their religious was concerned. And yet they would enter into similar agreements with the Canadian government, with seemingly few qualms. wwca caw escacas ayca caba nca kcca cauk. To the Mennonites, these agreements may have been a necessary evil; it was of utmost importance to them that the freedom to practice their religion would be guaranteed. No matter the intent, there is no way to change the consequence: that they would become vulnerable to any change from the content of these agreements.

By signing the new agreement with Canada, they put themselves in danger of having the same set of circumstances which occurred in Russia repeat themselves. However, this is of lesser importance to our question, which was how a substantial number of Mennonites came to leave their homes in Southern Russia for North America, and specifically, Manitoba. It should be clear by now that reform in Russia, a policy known as Russification which essentially broke the agreements the Mennonites had made previously with Tsarina Catherine II and Tsar Paul I, formed the 'push' of a 'push and pull' effect. The pull came from the West, in the form of an invitation from Canada, which needed settlers for its prairies.

The motives of nearly all Mennonites immigrating during this period would be characterized by this perception of a 'push' and 'pull'; from one land they sensed a general disregard for their principles by the government, and from another, in contrast to Russia, a receptiveness and respect for religious principles and willingness to go to no small lengths to secure their passage. Because the new rules so greatly affected the way the Mennonites had grown used to living and in fact would prevent that way of life from being able to flourish or even continue, some felt they could not continue life in Russia. These were the emigrants who would cross the Atlantic to North America, of which approximately seven would begin to call Manitoba home. Bibliography Primary Sources Translation of a letter, from Tsar Paul I to Mennonites in Russia, September 6, 1800 Letter from Secretary from the Department of Agriculture, John Lowe, to David Klassen, Jacob Peters, Heinrich Wiebe, and Cornelius Toews, July 23, 1873. Secondary Sources Driedger, Leo.

Mennonites in Winnipeg. Winnipeg: Kindred Press, 1990. Dick, Cornelius J. An Introduction to Mennonite History. Scottdale, Pennsylvania: Herald Press, 1993.

Dyck, John. Ober schulze Jakob Peters (1813-1884): Manitoba Pioneer Leader. Steinbach, Manitoba: Hanover Steinbach Historical Society Inc., 1990. Ens, Adolf. Subjects or Citizens? The Mennonite Experience in Canada, 1870-1925.

Ottawa: University of Ottawa Press, 1994. Epp, Frank H. Mennonites in Canada: The History of a Separate People. Toronto: Macmillan of Canada, 1974. Francis, E.K. In Search of Utopia. Altona, Manitoba: D.W. Friesen & Sons Ltd., 1955. Kaufman, J. Howard and Driedger, Leo.

The Mennonite Mosaic. Scottdale, Pennsylvania: Herald Press, 1991. Klassen, Walter. Anabaptism in Doctrine. Kitchener, Ontario: Herald Press, 1981. Klippenstein, Lawrence.

Mennonite Memories: Settling in Western Canada. Winnipeg: Centennial Publications, 1977. P lett, Delbert F. East Reserve 125: "Celebrating our Heritage". Steinbach, Manitoba: Hanover Steinbach Historical Society, 1998. Schroeder, William. The Bergthal Colony.

Winnipeg: C MBC Publications, 1974. Smith, C. Henry. Story of the Mennonites. Newton, Kansas: Faith and Life Press, 1981.

Toews, John B. Perilous Journey: The Mennonite Brethren in Russia, 1860-1910. Winnipeg: Kindred Press, 1988. Ury, James. None But Saints: The Transformation of Mennonite Life in Russia 1789-1889. Altona, Manitoba: D.W. Friesen & Sons Ltd., 1989. Wiebe, Gerhard, transl.

Helen Janzen. Causes and History of the Emigration of the Mennonites from Russia to America. Winnipeg: Manitoba Mennonite Historical Society, 1981. Appendix A from web Privileges granted by Tsar Paul I (translation) We, by the grace of God, Paul I, emperor and ruler of all Russians.

This charter received our most merciful ratification to a petition that came to us from the Mennonites settled in the New Russian government, who according to their superiors and because of their outstanding industry and proper conduct server as models to the colonists, deserve our special attention, we have with this charter not only confirmed the privileges and advantages made in earlier agreements but to stimulate their industry and carefulness in agriculture, even more we most graciously want to grant them the following addition advantages: 1. We confirm the religious freedom which was promised to them and their descendants so that they might practise unhindered their tenets and customs. Also we grant most graciously that, when the occasion demands it in court, their verbal "yes" or "no" be accepted as valid in place of an oath. wwf bmw esbfbfs abf b fba nba k cbf b fuk! 2.

We confirm their possession of the specified sixty-five dessjatin of arable land per family as incontestable and inheritable by their descendants in perpetuity. But we forbid anyone regardless of circumstances to cede, sell or deed even the smallest part of it to an outsider without special permission of the authorities set over him. 3. To all Mennonites already residing in Russia, as well as those who decide to settle here in the future, we grant permission to build factories or carry on any other useful trade, as well as to join guilds and corporations, not only in their own districts but also in cities and towns throughout the whole country.

4. According to the right of ownership, we permit the Mennonites to enjoy any and every use of their land, also to fish and brew beer and corn whiskey, not only for their own use but also for retails sale on their own land. 5. On the land belonging to the Mennonites we forbid outsiders to build inns, taverns and other public houses and the leaseholders to sell whiskey without their permission. wwea eaw eseaeas ayea eaba nea kcea eauk; 6. We assure them with our royal word that no Mennonite neither those that have already settled here nor those who plan to settle in this country nor their children and descendants will at any time be forced to do military or civil service without their own wish to do so. 7.

We exempt all their villages and homes in their colonies from all types of quartering (with the exception when troops march through in which case the regulations for quartering are to be observed), supplying relay horses, and crown labours. In return for this it is their duty to maintain roads, bridges and the mail coach stations in their district. 8. We grant most graciously to all Mennonites and their descendants complete freedom to dispose of their well-earned personal property as each sees fit. However, if one of them after having paid all his debts wishes to leave the country with his possessions, he must pay in advance the taxes for three years on the property he acquired in Russia, the amount to be declared dutifully and conscientiously by him and the village authorities. The same procedure is to be followed with the estate of a deceased whose heirs and relatives happen to reside in another country.

In addition, the villages are given the right to appoint guardians according to their custom over the property of minor orphans. w wag age esa gags a yag a gba nag kca g a guk: 9. We confirm the tax exemptions granted to them for a period of ten years, and also extend the same to those Mennonites who intend to settle in New Russia in the future. After completing an investigation it was evident that, because of crop failures and diseases among their animals, they were in economic need and because of the crowded settlement in Chortitza it was decided to relocate some of their families. In consideration of their need, it was decided that those who stay on their land will have the exemption extended by five years and for ten years to those who are moved to a new settlement. But, when this period has expired, every family will pay for each of its sixty-five dessjatin fifteen kopeks per year but it is exempted from all other taxes. The loan that was extended to them is to be repaid at the end of the above-mentioned free years, those who stay on their farm in ten annual payments and those who move, in twenty years.

10. In conclusion of this our imperial charter granted to the Mennonites, in which we have guaranteed their privileges and advantages, we command all our legal authorities not to hinder them in their peaceful enjoyment of the privileges given to them but in all cases let them experience your help and protection.