Movement Of National Liberation Among Oppressed Natives example essay topic

Written in 1961 among the turbulent times of de-colonization in Africa, Frantz Fanon's The Wretched of the Earth is in one word formidable. It is formidable in the sense that it exposes the colonial system as an exploitative cultural, economic, and political system. It is one of the most concise condemnations of the colonial system. Frantz Fanon as a political author is unique in that he received his primary training in psychiatry. He provides an unparalleled look into the material forces that give colonialism its oppressive nature. As well as how psychologically this colonial oppression leads to a movement of national liberation among oppressed natives.

The Wretched of the Earth is a political work employing psychology and a class-based approach to understanding the abusive quality of the colonial system, and the movement of national liberation that rises to challenge it. The content of this book spans 316 pages and is divided into 5 sections, which will be reviewed in detail. The sections are: concerning violence, spontaneity: its strength and weakness, the pitfalls of national consciousness, on national culture, and colonial war and mental disorders. Concerning Violence Violence is inherent in the colonial system. It is used as a method of subjugation to ensure complacency in all natives, and all of their duties. However, violence is not solely a physical phenomenon.

It serves as a psychological reminder that recalcitrant behavior is to be met with brute force. On page 38, Fanon argues that in capitalist countries the educational system serves to induce certain morals. These morals, such as a protestant work ethic, and patriotism are a medium to ensure complacency with the established order. However in colonies the native population is subjected to police violence to ensure complacency. Fanon writes "In the colonial countries, on the contrary, the police man and the soldier, by their immediate presence and their frequent and direct action maintain contact with the native and advise him by the means of rifle buts and napalm not to budge". (pg. 38) Fanon here provides a graphic account of violence as a form of social control. Fanon continues this argument in a political context, arguing that violence serves a political end of ensuring complacency among the natives.

"It is obvious here that the agents of government speak the language of pure force". (pg. 38) In regard to violence Fanon tackles the issue of European ethnocentrism. On page 41 it is shown that colonists vilify the natives by denouncing their culture as barbaric and obscene. This appears to be an obvious ethnocentric viewpoint. This ethnocentrism serves a political purpose by justifying the violence against the natives; since the natives are barbarians they deserve equal treatment.

This affords the colonists a psychology of superiority, where as the natives are offered a psychology of inferiority. This statement is the begging of Fanon's excellent psychological analysis. He continues to provide examples of psychological differences between colonists and natives, and their subsequent difference in behaviors. Violence visited upon the natives is surely bound to have deep psychological effects. On page 54 Fanon makes the observation that among Algerians misguided anger finds its outlet not in revolution, but in infighting among natives themselves.

This seems logical, since violence is a standard under the colonial system. And since colonists are seen as superior and natives hold an inferiority complex, violence is limited by the psychological constraints of inferiority. It just does not seem rational for a native to direct their anger of the colonial system toward the Colonist. However Fanon argues that a boiling point is reached where natives will no longer accept the violence of the colonial system, and begin to realize that fighting among themselves is not the answer.

Many natives begin to feel that violence is a defining characteristic of the colonial system, and that violence is necessary to bring about the end of that abusive system. Fanon furthers the argument that violence is not only necessary to counter colonialist oppression, but brings about a fundamental change in the native. The native finds his or her freedom through violence, it is violence that truly will end his or her oppression. Violence on a national level, in the form of a movement of national liberation, changes the psychology of oppressed natives dramatically. Violence is a therapeutic method for the native to overcome his or her inferiority complex on a national scale, when directed in a movement of national liberation. It is though the common struggle of natives that a new national psychology permeates life.

A new national consciousness takes hold of the native, and shapes a new way of life, manifesting eventually after the over throw of the colonial power, into a sovereign government. The immediate objective of a movement of national liberation is independence, and violence is the medium. If Fanon's account of violence and its inherence in the colonial system is to be held true, then it seems agreeable that violence is an option in dealing with an abusive colonial system. Although other non-violent means of de-colonization should not be ruled out. Fanon seems to ignore other forms of de-colonization, picking violence as the only solution. This seems to escape an explanation.

Perhaps being a Marxist, Fanon leans towards the notion of revolution so prevalent in the Marxism of his time. Spontaneity: Its Strength and Weakness This sections deals with the movement towards militancy in nationalist parties, and trade unions, in respect to the urban proletariat and the country peasant. The title may seem a little misleading. However this section also deals with the issue of spontaneity in regards to how the peasant population and the urban proletariat differ on the issue of planed tactics, and immediate action.

As well as how nationalist parties and trade unions deal with the issue of spontaneity. On the issue of armed struggle, nationalist parties and trade unions never seem to openly promote violence. However many nationalist parties and trade unions will rush to embrace the armed struggle of peasants once it has reached full effect. Fanon provides examples of where nationalist parties will work within the sphere of colonialism to produce change in a long pre-planed manner.

Yet oftentimes in the countryside an extremely abusive act of colonial violence will spark a violent action in the peasant communities. Fanon makes the observation that in the peasant communities where most have nothing, the peasants are more prone to spontaneous violent behavior because they have less to lose than the urban proletariat. Nationalist parties and trade unions draw the majority of their support from the proletariat that have some minute property, and are less prone to the spontaneity of violence. Fanon argues that armed struggle should come from the peasant populations, with full support, and eventual involvement of the nationalist parties. Generally the spontaneity of armed peasant struggle is a powerful threat to colonial powers. However, it often lacks a larger overall plan, outside of ousting the foreigners.

The Pitfalls of National Consciousness Up until this section Fanon has been addressing the problems of colonialism, by waging a war of national liberation against the colonial powers, and developing a national consciousness to solidify the gains of a movement of national liberation. However in this section Fanon points out several possible failures of national consciousness. Fanon attributes many of these failures to the rise of a native Bourgeoisie that is unfit to operate the economy. National consciousness is the road to solidifying a movement of national liberation. However it should never come to meet the needs of a greedy section of the population, it should never become a bourgeoisie revolution. This is the main failure of national consciousness; the movement for national liberation ends up in the hands of a class seeking to replicate the political economy of the former colonials.

Fanon make the interesting observation that the economy under the colonials is developed outside of the native's knowledge. Hence nationalist parties, and the native Bourgeoisie are very ignorant about economic maters. Since the middle class as a managerial class is under developed. It becomes difficult to build an industrial national economy. The native economy falls into the old mold of an export oriented economy similar to the former colonial economy of raw material export. The national bourgeoisie attempts to emulate the advanced western bourgeoisie, however it has missed several key steps that only years of experience would grant.

The native bourgeoisie in many ways in underdeveloped and this will have several adverse social impacts. The native bourgeoisie seeking to emulate the former economically successful colonials, exact certain concessions from the working class that is consistent with an exploitative economy similar to the days of the colonials. Worker exploitation continues, as it did under the colonial system. However, the native bourgeoisie are at the controls. This breeds antagonism among the working class, and sadly it finds its outlet in racial conflict between Arabs and Negroes. This is a result of the immature native Bourgeoisie, which stirs up ethnic conflicts as a result of the anxiety of holding power that was once foreigners.

It seems that as the native Bourgeoisie seeks to emulate the former colonial bourgeoisie, they have not only adopted its economic practices but, but a sense of superiority and racial bigotry. Fanon argues that racial bigotry, ethnic and class divisions are a result of an under developed bourgeoisie. This situation breeds a sense of chaos in a newly liberated country. The adverse of effects of an immature bourgeoisie weaken the authority of a central native government.

This allows former colonial powers to economically dominate the new native country. This is accomplished through an export oriented economy, where capital by in large leaves the nation, yet never returns in sufficient amounts to fund any nationalist economy. On page 174 Fanon asks a very important question; just what are the bourgeoisie good for? Economically, the bourgeoisie are leading the country to colonial domination.

The bourgeoisie ruins the political structure. The bourgeoisie breeds racial and ethnic conflict. They have perverted the ideal of the national struggle. And they have continued a cycle of oppression similar to the former colonials. It appears that the bourgeoisie are actually regressing the nation, not building a viable democracy. Fanon suggests that there should be no native bourgeoisie at all.

Economic central planning is the answer from the outset of the movement for independence. Fanon has provided an excellent example of the economic problems that face a nation immediately after independence is won. Unlike most other political works dealing with this subject, Fanon provides a class-based appraisal of the economic situation. This offers a perspective that is underrepresented. His solutions to problems of an underdeveloped bourgeoisie are debatable and truly reveal his Marxist influences. In the wake of the fall of planed economies, eliminating the middle class does not seem to be a viable option.

However, Fanon has accurately predicted the sad economic state of Africa correctly. To this day former colonial powers control Africa. On National Culture In this section Fanon addresses the rise of a native culture independent of colonialism, yet shaped by struggle against colonial oppression. Fanon argues that it is the common struggle that gives the native culture its main character.

Natives look, to other native intellectuals to provide evidence of a once great African culture. This is done to provide an example that will inspire, and justify a modern day culture. The native intellectual must also prove that a Negro culture exists to counter the notion of western cultural superiority. However through a process of radicalization the intellectual learns that providing examples of a Negro culture will not win independence.

Instead you win independence through a fight for national liberation. This fight will be the defining moment of Negro culture, and will eventually manifest in a sovereign state. On page 245 Fanon asks the question; is a struggle of national liberation a cultural phenomenon? Fanon argues that national struggle is a cultural manifestation.

And through its process culture takes several different paths. Since through a national struggle relationships between people are changed affecting the notion of culture. National struggle is a cultural phenomenon given rise from the colonial culture of oppression. Fanon in this section has provided a look into the begging of a national culture, and its impacts on African consciousness. It is agreeable that the colonial cycle of oppression gives rise to a culture of resistance that reaches its apex in a struggle of national liberation.

There is a noticeable tone or militancy that is apparent in nearly all chapters of.