Workers Into Unionization example essay topic

... t the spread of the TWUA was such a rapid growth. In conditions like this people are willing to do anything. They are much more motivated to create change and at every opportunity they took advantage of anything they could to benefit themselves and to decrease the powers of the textile giants who controlled their lives. All they actually needed was for the opportunities to present themselves. The TWUA had much help, but until they found their leaders who organized the masses of willing people, their mere desires and hopes were useless. This leadership came in many forms and from many different people.

Each single battle or strike seemed to have its own organizers. Without these organizers nothing would have happened. It seemed that the people were reluctant to join unions for fears of fulfilled threats. However, organizers persisted. For various reasons, from political aspirations to simple human kindness, leaders stepped up and exited workers into unionization. The executives at a Virginia mill noted that, "The union has held quite a number of meetings, to some extent coercive measures [have been] adopted, in order to get the operatives into the union" (Smith 51), and even President Fitzgerald himself noted that, "It is true that in many instances the nefarious influence of the professional agitator has found fertile soil in the American workman's brain...

". (Smith 264). These agitators as Fitzgerald called them were the men who stepped up to protect the workers rights. However, Fitzgerald does seem to give these men a negative connotation but this was more than likely because of the fact that he was an executive at the Fitzgerald and Ray Co.

(Smith 265). Robert Walsh was one of these "political agitators". As a member of the National Workers Labor Board (NWLB), pushed the workers to "organize your unions, strong and liberal, fearless and far-seeking", and to push "until there will remain not one wage earner in the country deprive of full voice in determining the conditions of his job... ". (Hall 186). Walsh could have possibly started single-handed ly the influx of workers into unions.

The event that marked the turning point of the battle between the companies and the small unions began in columbus, Georgia. A mill in that area fired employees who recently joined a local branch of the TWUA, and as a result a strike incurred. Walsh prompted the NWLB to intervene on the workers behalf. The NWLB set up laws pertaining to that particular mill which forced the company to abolish contracts prohibiting its employees to join unions. Although these laws only pertained to that individual mill, the success achieved spread new hope in union throughout the south. After the WWI, when American men who had given up their job vs. to their wives during war time, came home expecting better conditions.

Along with these expectations came a new mentality to fight for them. The TWUA which was founded in 1901 in the northern New England mills gained 70,000 members in the years following the war (Hall 186). With the unions new found strength a series of strikes traversed the south between 1919 and 1921, flowing like a wave and changing the face of employer-employee relationships. The wave began on the outskirts of textile mill concentrations. In columbus, South Carolina the union strike in selected mills. They " re demands were recognition and a forty-eight hour work week.

The TWUA now centered on North Carolina. One hundred and fifty workers walked out after their weekly pay was cut in half when the war-time bonus was dropped. They called for union support and the next day the TWUA banner was behind them as Highlands #1 plant strike as well. Rather than negotiate the company closed both plants. The Governor of North Carolina, Thomas bucket also played a part in the spread of unionization. Bucket outlawed discrimination in hiring on the bases of "organization affiliation".

The Union also reached a compromise. The plants were reopened to a work week less five hours, yet an unchanged pay rate. This union success only instigated union growth even further. Within a few weeks these standards spread to mills in Belmont Concord and Connapolis (Hall 189).

Southern textile workers had finally begun to see what the union represented and as laws were created to prohibit e discrimination because of union affiliation, it was easier and less risky for employees to sign the union card. By the end of 1919 the TWUA had recognized 45,000 members in the Crolina's alone (Hall 194-196). The union fight fell off during the depression as mill owners simply could not afford to meet strikers demands, and when strikes did occur plants simply shut down and owners were happy not to have to run all winter long at a loss. However, by 1927 the union flame reignited. In henderson, North Carolina a walkout began the resurgence of the TWUA.

Although the strike failed with threats of evictions, it did gain the TWUA eight hundred members. The hardest of the unions battles were yet to be fought. In 1929 violent strikes broke out. Unsatisfied employees were fighting against the "stretch-out" policy of the mills. This policy layed off individuals and forced larger work loads on the remaining workers.

First, Elizabethton, Ten esse walked out. After the Sheriff, J.M. Moreland, a major union est backer was forced out of office and a local businessman who supported the TWUA was forced into submission by "tricky lawmakers", the strike was ended with none of the original resolutions met (Hall 214). Soon afterward, another violent strike broke out in Gaston County North Carolina. "Gaston County epitomized the phenomenal wartime growth of the southern textile industry, as well as its postwar instability" (Hall 214). This was probably the most violent strike in the history of the textile workers battle.

The strike ended with the place chief dead, a leading unionist shot in the back, looting of union buildings conducted be police organization, and the State militia intervening on behalf of the mill. The strike feel with their leader's death, the of her killers, and a conviction of seven union members for the killing of the police chief. Another such battle in Marion, North Carolina stopped before it started. The company expected the strike and when the picketers arrived, the sheriff and his deputies were waiting.

The threw tear gas at them and when they turned to run they were shot in the back. It was later found out that the shooters had a list of men to kill and aimed specific ly at them, the strike leaders (Hall 217). This wave of strikes was largely unsuccessful, but because of the extreme measures used to break the strikes it was obvious that they were effective and supported. With the notoriety that came with these extreme cases the role of the TWUA and the voice of unionism spread.

In 1930, the Dan River Mills (Dan River, North Carolina), the largest textile company in the south began its struggles. The vice-president of the TWUA went to the city, and hoping for support from eh AFL poured all of the unions resources into the workers. However, as the AFL did not provide support the strike withered away. In 1932 workers in High Point, North Carolina walked out. They demanded and end to wage cuts and a few days later 15,000 other textile workers strike beside them (Hall 218). The union was steadily spreading, but it had not wet reached its peak yet.

Between the years of 1933 and 1934, the federal government finally stepped in on the workers's ide. Under Franklin D. Roosevelt's new deal laws were established to protect the workers rights. A minimum wage was established and child labor was outlawed. However, in actuality, this had little effect on the lives of the workers. The little money that the workers made by the national minimum wage increase was taken back by the mills by raising the price of rent, workers were still evicted for joining unions (only excuses were used instead of reasons).

However, despite all of this the union had its largest growth ever: from 40,000 members in September 1933 to 270,000 members in August of 1934 (Hall 304). With the ineffectiveness of the NIRA, the workers were outraged. The President of one local branch of the union asked for federal help before, as he wrote it, "WE HAVE TO CALL OUR UNION MEMBERS TO ARMS AGAINST THIS FORDED TAIL EMAIL" (Hall 307). The enraged union easts strike across the region again in 1933, much like those on 1929. Along with the NIRA the New Deal re leif programs for the unemployed also helped the stickers. Strikers were re leif when they went on strike.

Also, other New Deal programs were created. Discrimination because of union affiliation was prohibited. However, workers were still evict d for joining unions. (Hall 300-301). A native of the Graniteville Mill in South carolina said that "she had never joined a union, for reasons that to her seemed the essence of common since" (Hall 306)". 'There was no union whatever in Graniteville S.C. before the National Industrial Recovery act was make law as the Employers would not allow ti... they would discharge anyone who joined a Union, but after the Law was passed and put in effect, we thought that we would be protected by the Federal Government [and] that no Employer could discharge any worker beau 7 se they joined a Union of their own choosing.

' On June 19, 1933, just three days after roosevelt signed the NIRA, she paid her dues and became a full member of the TWUA... On August 8 the second hand got orders to fire her on the grounds that she could't keep up her work. If her work had not been satisfactory, she concluded, they would have fired her long before. They 'discharged me for joining the Union. ' " (Hall 306-307).