Relations Between Japanese Police And The Yakuza example essay topic

The 'Yakuza' represents the institutions of organised crime which have been around for over 300 years in Japan. The group holds just as much power if not more than the US Mafia and is unlike any other organised crime formation. The Japanese underworld has a particular kind of acceptance within Japanese society. A tolerance which has come from historic and cultural reasons. The loose term of 'Yakuza' refers to a wide range of Japanese crime groups. The three largest groups today are the Kobe-based Yamaguchi-gum i and the Sumi yoshi-Re ngo-kai and the Inagawa-kai, both headquartered in Tokyo.

Japan has more than 86000 gang members belonging to 3000 syndicates, with a turnover of more than $7 billion a year (Harvey, 1994, p. 567). Many relate the Yakuza with its seedy underworld image, comprising of men with dark tattoos and cut-off fingers. But some do not view these groups quite so harshly and accept the Yakuza and their activities as a part of their culture. It can be seen that the Yakuza even seem to play out a distinct role in society, by resolving civil disputes that would be extremely difficult to pursue through the Japanese legal system. This acceptance is seen at almost all levels of society.

Throughout Japanese history, the Yakuza have had ties within politics, the private sector, police affairs and even with citizens matters. This networked relationship structure can be seen to arise in many Japanese businesses. An interesting factor is that the Yakuzas influence seems quite heavy in Japanese society, yet the sensitive nature of its existence has meant that relatively little documentation is made about them. It may appear that as long as these mobsters prove not to be too disruptive, society will tend to overlook their lucrative activities.

The public in many cases have even come to rely on the Yakuza to satisfy certain economic, political, or legal needs, that the government can not, or will not, address. Is it the features of Japanese culture which have led to such an agreement between the Yakuza and society? Are they really accepted? Or is it simply a matter of being unable to do anything about the situation, which has heralded this movement?

In addressing these questions, it is necessary to view cultural differences and the history of the Yakuza in Japan. Cultural differences between Japan and the world may give reasons as to why the Yakuza are not seen as so unacceptable in society. For instance one of the main reasons that the yakuza can operate "aboveground" is because the groups are not seen as illegal. There are no statutes in Japan that prohibit racketeering or money laundering. Japanese law enforcement officials have been practically powerless to prevent the yakuza's growing involvement in mainstream business and financial circles. Organized crime experts also note that weaknesses in Japan's criminal law also have made it difficult to prosecute criminals in the post World War II era (Hayes, 1992, p. 206).

However, these weaknesses may arise due to cultural differences. For example in the West, prestigious gifts given to politicians (under most circumstances) would be seen as bribery. But, this activity held in Japan may be interpreted as a gesture under the Omiyage tradition. (Gift giving). One answer to how Japan has became so tolerant of its underworld organisation appears to lie in the fact that the Yakuza had been 'romanticised' in terms of its samurai noblesse, which rose from its feudal history.

The origins of organised criminal gangs can be traced back into the Tokugawa era as early as 1612, when a group of people known as kabuki-mono (crazy ones), gained observance from local officials. These Shogunate servants were forced into unemployment during the Tokugawa peace, leading them to become Ronin (a master less samurai). Wandering throughout Japan, many had turned into bandits, looting towns and villages and they made a habit of antagonizing and terrorizing anyone at their leisure. (Kaplan & Dubro, 1986, p. 14) While the kabuki-mono are estimated to be the true ascendants of the Japanese Underworld, most yakuza refer to the machi-yoko (Servants of the town) as their ancestors.

This group is said to have defended the villages and towns from the Kabuki-mono, and they consisted of shopkeepers, innkeepers, laborers, homeless warriors and other ronin. The machi-yakka are today known as folk heroes, with tales akin to the legend of Robin Hood. They have been subjects of stories and plays in Japan. (Kaplan & Dubro, 1986, p 14-16) These tales have influenced the publics perception on the history of organized crime in Japan.

Often highly embellished, these tales were about social victims becoming heroes or outlaws who lived with dignity. Today, they have left the Yakuza with a noble heritage. The 'samurai' has been given legendary status analogous to the Western 'cowboy'. But is it this imagery that has led the Japanese to accept the Yakuza as another institution in society?

Another interpretation of history tells us another story of how the hidden agenda of the Yakuza came into being, one that follows the Yakuzas numerous relationships with institutions. These organizations are structured much the same way to the pattern of Japanese group relations with strong internal control, an ethic seen in many sectors of Japanese society. (Eisenstadt, 1996, p. 111). These relationships usually portray the Yakuza as performing a form of covert social service. The relationship between the institutions rose in Tokugawa.

In fact, the earliest yakuza did not surface until the middle to late 1700's. The true ancestors of modern Yakuza can be split into two groups, the bakuto (traditional gamblers) and the tekiya (street peddlers). These groups comprised of people from the same background: poor, landless, and misfits. The bakuto in actual fact, were initially recruited by the government in an attempt to get money back from workers (through gambling). They remained mostly along the highways and towns, and the tekiya operated in the markets and fairs of Japan. A third group, the gurentai (hoodlums) has been added after the post war period.

Kaplan and Dubro (1986) provide a few of the captured historical accounts of the development of the yakuza's ties to the political world. According to them, ties between crime groups and ultranationalism politicians developed in the 1930's. These close relations continued after the war, due in part, to the decision by Occupation authorities to use right wing activists (and their yakuza allies) to help secure Japan against possible left-wing uprisings. (Kaplan and Dubro, 1986, p. 52.) Today, various reports show ties still exist with certain politicians. It is assumed that these Yakuza members are often employed as fund-raisers, bodyguards and campaign workers. Like the police, some politicians simply regard the Japanese mob as performing a necessary service, an attitude that has allowed the yakuza to continue their operations "above- ground" and unfettered.

(Kaplan and Dubro, 1986, p. 116) Relations between Japanese police and the yakuza are also complex. Some authorities have attributed the apparent hesitancy of Japanese police to crack down effectively on the yakuza because of their ability to function as an alternative police force. Japanese police are terrified by "unorganized" crime (Eisenstadt, p. 108, 1996)". There's so little street crime because gangsters control the turf and they provide security. If some hoods come around the neighborhood and start making trouble, chances are the yakuza will reach them first. Japanese police prefer the existence of organized crime to its absence".

(Kaplan and Dubro, 1986, p. 163.) This is not to suggest that Japanese police completely look the other way when it comes to the mob. Over the years Japanese law enforcement officials, have staged numerous raids on various yakuza offices. However, these assaults have tended to be more a show of police muscle than a genuine attempt to shut down gangster operations. It appears that the Yakuza perform a type of social service.

One way of observing this is that the crime groups pen potentially disruptive societal elements and, through their emphasis on oyabun-kobun relations, help to discipline ruffians and minimise violent acts against ordinary people. This oyabun- kobun relationship is resilient in many institutions in Japan and is a unique feature of the Yakuzas family structure. The hierarchical ties and relations between superior and subordinates in the Yakuza seem to be immersed to its utmost extent. Oyabun-kobun, which literally means parent-child, is a term used to describe a dependent relationship between two people.

In the Yakuza structure, the oyabun (Yakuza leader) provides protection and guidance to the kobun (Yakuza member), who reciprocates with loyalty and service. This has maintained a level of discipline and order within Japanese crime groups that some Western law enforcement officials contend they never have seen in the U.S. or the European underworld. This level of loyalty can be represented in the custom of finger cutting; Yubitsume. This procedure originated from the Bakuto and signified a weakening of the hand (as the gambler could not hold his sword as firmly).

It was performed as an act of apology to the oyabun for any misdeeds. Has this hierarchical relationship between the Yakuza and societys misfits credited society? And furthermore, is this another factor which influences societys acceptance of the Yakuza? Well, some observers even credit the yakuza with helping to keep Japan's crime rate one of the lowest in the world.

Although other analysts believe that in Japan, much crime goes unreported, and ironically, it is the crimes of the Yakuza which go unnoticed, particularly in areas such as bribery and extortion (Kaplan and Dubro, 1986, p. 182). Up to this point, it seems that some Japanese people have accepted this heroic picture of the Yakuza. But others see a change in attitude toward the Yakuza, by the public being increasingly fed up with gang-related violence and apparent Yakuza collusion with big business and politicians. And to further insist that most Japanese view the Yakuza as the 'unlikely heroes' of society, and that they give in to its 'Robin Hood' imagery would be false. Most see the Yakuza's 'seedy activities' as the cause for many of Japans social problems. Like most growth-oriented enterprises, the yakuza have not confined their illegal and legal business activities.

(Reischauer, 1988, p. 161). In the late 1960's the Japanese mob took advantage of the sharp rise in Japanese tourism and began organizing "sex tours" to various countries in Southeast Asia. The yakuza also began to recruit or, more probably, to coerce women from Southeast Asian countries to work as "hostesses" in mob-controlled brothels in Japans miz u sho bai or water trade (Louis, 1992, p. 182). The overseas push proved similarly lucrative for drug trading, primarily in Korean and Taiwan. Gun trafficking also evolved into a profitable activity since the sale of guns is controlled so strictly in Japan. So, rather than being a social champion, they are more or less viewed as a social disease.

The origin of the term 'yakusa' itself derived from a meaning of 'usefulness'. It was then used by gamblers to denote a worthless outcome in a card game. 8-9-3 or ya-ku-sa was the worst possible score (Kaplan & Dubro, p. 24, 1986). Perhaps it is because of the weak criminal system and its ties with almost every institution (leading to the corruption of that institution) in society, that the Japanese find themselves defenseless against the taint of the Yakuza. Even the US forces in the post war attempted to dismiss the threat of the Yakuza, but soon saw that they were well organized and continued to operate under two oyabun and were supported by unidentified high-level goverment officials. They admitted defeat in 1950, as they realized that they could not protect the Japanese people from the Yakuza.

(Kaplan, p 43-52) In the post-war years, the Yakuza themselves went through change. They became more violent, both on the individual and collective scales. Their appearances also changed, taking American movie gangsters as their influence. They started wearing sunglasses, dark suits and ties with white shirts, and began to sport crew cuts. (Reischauer, 1988, p 161) In fact, the traditional Yakuza themselves seem worried about the modern day Yakuza.

In Louis' (1992, p. 184) interview with a retired Yakuza, it is revealed that the general thinking of the older Yakuza members is that today's members have lost their sense of compassion or jing i (moral code). In conclusion, whichever view one takes on how the Yakuza became such a silent yet important factor in Japanese society, the fact remains that they are here to stay. The economic prowess of the Yakuza and its continual growth in members is an issue which needs to be conceived. However, the anti-social activities of the Yakuza purpose bigger problems which first need to be addressed, particularly if the Nation wishes to advance for all members in society. One particular issue which comes to mind is that of gender. In a society where women seem to be advancing in most institutions, this is not the case within the Yakuza structure.

The role of women is truly disadvantaged here with the only recognised woman, with any form of power being the Oyabun's wife. As mentioned earlier, any issues concerning the Yakuza seem to be very concealed. There is little documentation made on the Yakuza in Japanese literature, let alone English literature. Though their semi-recognised existence is semi-legitimized through various arrangements with institutions. The Yakuza have become tightly interwoven into the overall network of Japanese society. Truly they are a force yet to be fully recognised and perhaps the first step lies daringly, in uncovering this blanketed entity.

Bibliography

1. David E Kaplan & Alec Dubro, Yakuza The Explosive Account of Japan's Criminal Underworld, 1986, Addison-Wesley, USA.
2. S.N. Eisenstadt, Japanese Civilization A Comparative View, 1996, Chicago Press, London.
3. Robert Harvey, The Undefeated, 1994, Macmillan, London.
4. Lisa Louis, Butterflies Of The Night, 1992, Teng u Books, New York 5.
J. A Abec asis- Phillips Doing Business With The Japanese, 1994, New York.
Edwin D Reischauer The Japanese Today, 1988, Harvard, USA.